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KANTHAROS 


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PRINCETON 
MONOGRAPHS 
IN ART AND 
ARCHAEOLOGY 


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KAN THAROS 


STUDIES IN DIONYSIAC 
AND KINDRED CULT 


By 


GEORGE W. ELDERKIN 


Associate Professor of Art and Archaeology 


in Princeton University 


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pPepvao amore 
EPICHARMOS 


ERINGE TON 


Princeton UNIVERSITY PREss 
LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD 
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 


MCMXXIV 


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COPYRIGHT, 1924, PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS 


DESIGNED AND PRINTED AT THE PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS 
«Om IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA coo 


Preface 


HE many chapters of this book are the outgrowth of a study of 
TDs archaic sepulchral reliefs of Lakonta. The book has therefore 
retained tts early title of Kantharos although several chapters have noth- 
ing to do with Dionysos. The author is greatly indebted to Professors 
A. C. Foknson and T. L. Shear of Princeton University for the careful 
reading of a large part of the text. They are not however responsible for 
his vagaries. The author further wishes to express his great appreciation 
of the care and taste which Mr. Frederique Warde of the Princeton Unt- 
versity Press has displayed in all matters of typography. 


GEorRGE W. ELDERKIN 









iW ? ‘ i , EEA : Ye ee Bis é ‘ by ; 
ha ae us Py ea Loy 4 Ma vil | 29 Ae Ved ‘i Seas 
} ay Ni } 3 J an ee i F vi # 2, i wy P ea a r I 


ak 


Vint. 


VIII. 


Xi. 


XII. 
XII. 
XIV. 
XV. 
XVI. 
VAI. 
XVIII. 
XIX. 

XX. 


XO TS 


( ontents 


. THE ARCHAIC SPARTAN GRAVE STELAI 


- VAS VITAE 


STAG AND KANTHAROS IN AN ETRUSCAN RELIEF 
AN ETRUSCAN TOMB PAINTING 


THE LYDIAN SEPULCHRAL POMEGRANATE AND OTHER 
SYMBOLS 


THE MEANING OF MITHRAIC SCULPTURE 
A MITHRAIC ALLUSION IN THE WASPS OF ARISTOPHANES 


THE CONTINUITY OF PAGAN AND CHRISTIAN 
EUCHARISTIC SYMBOLISM 


THE KANTHAROS IN THE PEACE OF ARISTOPHANES 


A POSSIBLE ALLUSION TO THE ERECHTHEION IN THE 
PEACE OF ARISTOPHANES 


SALMONEUS-SALMOXIS AND THE LYSIPPEAN PORTRAIT 
OF ALEXANDER 


THE MAGIC KANTHARA 

KANTHAROS AND KALLIKANTZAROS 
DIONYSOS AND THE CRETAN GAPER 
KANTHAROS AND CHEPERA 

HERAKLES AND DIONYSOS 

THE SOURCE OF THE GERMAN WORD KAFER 
A SCENE OF DIONYSIAC RESURRECTION 
THE OMPHALOS AT JERUSALEM 

THE UNITY OF THE ANTHESTERIA 


VEDIOVIS AND HIS CONGENERS 


10§ 
10g 
IIs 


Tse 
123 


XXII. 


XXIII. 


XXIV. 


XXV. 


XXVI. 


XXVII. 


XXVIII. 


XXIX. 


XXX. 


XXXI. 


XXXII. 


XXXIII. 


XXXIV. 


XXXV. 


XXXVI. 


XXXVII. 


XXXVIII. 


XXXIX. 


XL. 


XLI. 


THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SATURN 
ANCHISES AND AENEAS 

TITAN AND SATAN 

FROM SOUL TO SUN-—-AN ETYMOLOGY 
MITRA AND MILES 


THE VICTORY OF ARCHERMOS AND THE SERAPH OF 
ISAIAH 


THE PRIMITIVE CHARACTER OF HERCULES 
ZEUS LYKAIOS AND LYKOURGOS 
APTOS OPOOZTATHZ 


ON THE GENESIS OF CERTAIN GODS AND HEROES: 
KRONOS 


ZEUS 

CERES AND POSEIDON 

THE KERKOPES AND ERECHTHEUS 
PELOPS 

AHURA MAZDAH 

RHADAMANTHYS 

PALLAS AND POLIAS 


THE NAME OF JERUSALEM 

THE LABYRINTH 

MARNAS AND MINOS 
CARCHEMISH 

HERCULES AND GILGAMESH 
KOUROI, KABEIROI AND KYBELE 
SAISARA AND CAESAR 

APOLLO AND ARTEMIS 
APHRODITE AND ASTARTE 


PROMETHEUS 
INDICES 


135 
139 
145 
147 
Ig 


159 
163 
167. 
171 


175 
178 
183 
185 
187 
189 
1gO 
192 
195 
199 
207 
209 
Omit 
213 
217 
219 
221 
ple. 
225 


PLATE 


Ii. 


Ill. 


Vie 


Vill. 


Illustrations 


Archaic Laconian Relief from Chrysapha near Sparta: 
The Deceased before Dionysos and Persephone in Hades 


Archaic Laconian Relief from Gerakion: 
Descent of the Dead to Hades 


Cover of Etruscan Sarcophagus Found at Corneto: 
The Deceased Represented as Priest of Dionysos 


Archaic Terracotta from a Lydian Tomb of the Sixth 
Century at Sardis: 
A Soul-dove Perched on a Pomegranate 


Sepulchral Relief of the late Second Century A.D. from 
Aikirikdjt: 

Between the Heads of the Deceased, a Symbolic Dove 
Hybrid Statue from the Mithraeum at Ostia 


A Mithraic Relief from Heddernheim: 
The Slaying of the Divine Bull by Mithras 


Transenna of the Sixth Century after Christ in 
S. Apollinare, Ravenna: 
A Chalice like a Mithraic Krater with Cross superposed 


Obverse of an Attic Red Figure Krater: 
Silent Assisting at the Resurrection of Dionysos from his 
Omphalos-tomb 


Painting on an Archaic Etruscan Oenochoe from 
Traghiatella: 
The Game of Troy with Circular Labyrinth (10a) 


Coin of Knossos of the Second Century after Christ: 
A Tetradrachm with Circular Labyrinth (10B) 


PAGE 


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29 


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The Deceased 


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The 
ARCHAIC SPARTAN 
GRAVE STELAI 


I A) 


| HE archaic Spartan grave stelai have 
been the subject of intermittent dis- 
cussion since the discovery of the first 
example over forty years ago. The 
Berlin example (fig. 1) is obviously 
the archetype of the series and one 
of the best preserved. The preferred 
interpretation of the scene upon this 
monument is that the large seated 
figures represent heroized ancestors 
to whom offerings are brought by 
their descendants, the diminutive standing figures. This interpreta- 
tion appears to be established by the appearance in later examples 
of the names of the seated figures such as Timokles and Aristokles. 

The common objection to this interpretation is that it ignores the 
possibility of a mystic character for the scene. In the present study 
which is limited chiefly to the Berlin archetype, an attempt will 
be made to prove such significance. A tabulation of the various 
symbols or objects which are carved on the sixteen ste/ai of various 
types and periods shows that the kantharos is a most persistent ob- 
ject, occurring more frequently than any other. Next in order of fre- 
quency come the snake and pomegranate. The cock, the lotus and 
the egg which the diminutive figures hold are as infrequent as those 
figures themselves. The fragmentary and mutilated condition of some 





2K 
of the sfe/ai prevents an exact tabulation but does not modify the 
relative frequency of the objects.! 

According to a recent interpretation, the kantharos suggests a liba- 
tion to the dead or is an allusion to feasting as a favorite pastime. 
Tod and Wace describe the scene as that of a hero feasting “which 
to the ancient Greeks was practically the greatest pleasure” (4 Cata- 
logue of the Sparta Museum, p. 110). A sound objection to such inter- 
pretation of the kantharos is its inconsistency with Spartan discipline 
which prescribed a severe mode of life. Plutarch in his Life of Lykour- 
gos tells us that the law-giver established a syssit7a so that Spartan 
men, poor and rich, partook of the same dinner. The Spartan youth re- 
ceived just enough food to sustain life and if they wanted more, had 
to steal it. Helots were compelled to drink until they were intoxicated 
and were then exhibited in the mess-hall as a suggestive lesson to 
Spartan manhood. Finally, according to Plutarch, Lykourgos deliber- 
ately died of starvation that he might give an example of virtue even 
in death (cf. Porphyry, De Abstinentia, IV, 4). These citations show 
that the Spartan ideal did not encourage the joys of the wine-cup and 
the feast. If the Spartans practised such restraint in their daily life, 
how could their grave ste/ai have alluded to Bacchanalian pleasure 
even for the deceased? If the reliefs refer to daily life at all, how does 
it happen that they contain no suggestion of the all-absorbing military 
activity of the Spartans? Certainly the life of the Spartan 1s not re- 
flected in the ste/az nor 1s there an allusion to the bibulous propensities 
of a hero. 

The second objection to the interpretation that the scene alludes 
to the feast is that the kantharos 1s nota banquet-cup. The wine-cup 
of the feast is the ky/ix both in art and literature. Vase-paintings 
afford ample proof of such use in art, while in literature Sophokles 
speaks of the kvAixwv répyis and Xenophon uses the phrase wepred abvery 
ras xbAckas. There are exceptional substitutions of the kantharos for 
1A list of the ste/ai and a résumé of the various interpretations are given by Tod 
and Wace (4 Catalogue of the Sparta Museum (1906), pp. 102-110; cf. O. Seiffert, 
Festschrift zur Fabrhunderterfeter d. Univ. Breslau (1911),p.1173; Miss J. Harrison, 


Themis (1912), pp. 311, 314; E. Kuster, Die Schlange in der Griechischen Kunst 
und Religion in Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten XIII, 2 (1913), p. 


75.) 


3 k 


the ky/ix in vase-painting and again in the comic poets (Athenaios, 
XI, 473) where perhaps the Dionysiac associations of comedy may 
explain the choice of the word. The ky/ix ought then to have been rep- 
resented on the Spartan s¢e/az if the sculptor had in mind the sym- 
posium which had once delighted the deceased. Contemporary La- 
conian potters were producing ky/ikes and Hesychios (s. v. Xtov) men- 
tions a Laconian ky/ix (ék xidcKxos Aaxaivns). These objections compel 
one to seek another explanation of the kantharos in Spartan sepul- 
chral sculpture. 

The connection of the pomegranate with the cult of the dead is 
undisputed. As early as the geometric period, clay pomegranates were 
placed in graves at Eleusis (Farnell, Cu/ts of the Greek States, III, p. 226) 
and the custom still obtains in Greece of placing a pomegranate among 
the flowers with which a bier is adorned (Lawson, Modern Greek Folk- 
lore and AncientGreek Religion, p. §58). Lawson commenting upon the 
close association of marriage and death regards the funeral pome- 
granate as a token that death is a marriage into the unseen world. 
- Now the pomegranate in the hand of the statue of Hera at Argos where 
she was worshipped as goddess of marriage and childbirth, has been 
reasonably explained as the emblem of fruitfulness in marriage be- 
cause of the largenumber of its seeds (Farnell, Cults of the Greek States 
I, p. 216). Why did the pomegranate serve as a symbol both in mar- 
riage and in death? In the world of the living the pomegranate was the 
symbol of birth; in the world of the dead it was the symbol of birth 
again, of rebirth. The pomegranate given to Persephone that she might 
return to Hades was the food of rebirth into the lower world and quite 
appropriately became the attribute of a deity of resurrection. The 
mystic character of the fruit is shown by the refusal of Pausanias to 
tell the story about it (cf. Reinach, Revue Arch. TX (1919), p. 172) and 
may have survived in Botticelli’s painting of the Madonna and child 
in which a pomegranate is placed in the hands of the child. Foucart 
(Les Mystéeres d’ Eleusis (1914), p. 37) believes that the cult of the Ar- 
give Hera was in origin an Isis-cult—in other words, that both were 
cults of resurrection. 

The kantharos is the wine-cup of Dionysos and his associates. Pau- 
sanias tells us that it was represented in the hand of the god on the 


14 i 

chest of Kypselos. In Attic vase-painting contemporary with the 
stelai Dionysos regularly holds a kantharos (Gerhard, Auser. Griech.. 
Vasenbilder, I, pls. 32; 35, 37-8, 41). At Delphi in the late archaic 
frieze of the Siphnian treasury, Dionysos is distinguished from other 
gods participating in the gigantomachy by the kantharos which is 
used as a support for the crest of his helmet. A glance at Dionysiac 
coin-types shows how widespread the kantharos is as his attribute. 
Even in Italy the kantharos was considered a cup especially reserved 
for Bakchos as one may judge from a passage in Pliny (NV. #. 
XXXII, 53): C. Marius post victoriam Cimbricam cantharis potasse 
Liberi Patris exemplo traditur. In the Eclogues (VI, 17) the kantharos 
hangs from the arm of a drunken silenus. 

The seated figure of the Spartan ste/e that holds the kantharos must 
be Dionysiac in character and the female beside him must be Per- 
sephone ora counterpart of the chthonic goddess. According to Hera- 
kleitos Dionysos and Hades are the same and his association with 
Persephone is recorded in an Orphic hymn (Abel, Orph. Hym. n. 
53). Herodotos (II, 123) notes their joint rule in Hades. In the Spar- 
tan relief, the seated god wears a chiton reaching to the feet like the 
Dionysos of the chest of Kypselos (Paus. V, 19, 6). Pollux (VII, 59) 
speaks of the Lydian dassara as a chiton reaching to the feet like 
that of Dionysos. But the seated god of the ste/e is beardless whereas 
Dionysos in the archaic period was regularly bearded. This would 
appear at first sight to be a serious difficulty in the way of naming 
the beardless god Dionysos. Yet in the Homeric hymn (VII, 3) Di- 
onysos is described as venvin dvépl éorkas mpwhhbn. We seem then to 
have in the ste/e a younger Dionysos corresponding closely to the 
younger Theban-Samothracian Kabeiros called Dionysos (cf. Schol. 
ad Apoll. Rhod. I, 917) and to the beardless Vediovis of Etruria. 
Ovid represents Vediovis (Vedius) as beardless (Fasti, III, 437; cf. 
Frothingham, 4. F. P. 1917, p. 378) and the words of Martianus 
Capella (II, 142) about the immortalized Philology could equally 
well be spoken of either diminutive figure of the stele: Vedium cum 
uxore conspexerit sicut suadebat Etruria. 

The early relations of Sparta with Troy as shown in the legend of 
Helen and Menelaos, and with Kroisos in the sixth century prepare 


Ls i 


one to expect the presence of influence from that quarter in Spartan 
conception of deity and consequently in Spartan art. If the seated 
god of the sepulchral ste/e is really a Spartan version of a Samo- 
thracian Kabeiros, then the reference in the Peace of Aristophanes, a 
play intimately involving the Spartans, to the Samothracian initia- 
tion acquires added point. Samothracian initiation was popular at 
Sparta certainly as early as the fifth century B.c. and the ste/e may 
well represent the younger Samothracian Kabeiros who is Dionysiac 
enough. Excavations on the site of the round building in the Kabei- 
rion on Samothrace revealed fragments of small kantharoi which were 
apparently used in mystic rites (cf. Conze, Hauser, Niemann, Samo- 
thrake (1875), 1, p.85n.1). An inscription (Arch. Epig. Mitt. 1882, p. 
8) which refers to the Samothracian initiation says that the priest 
broke the cake and poured out the cup for the Mystai. The words 
méupa and roréy of this inscription are restorations. The motif of a 
Kabeiros holding a kantharos occurs on fragments of vases found at 
the Theban Kabeirion. The Boston Museum of Fine Arts has a terra- 
‘cotta grotesque from the Theban Kabeirion that holds a kantharos. 
The eastern provenience of the archetype of the Spartan series is 
further confirmed by certain non-Greek features of the relief, the 
sloping eye and forehead, the shoe with upturned point. These are 
curious details which like their Etruscan counterparts came from 
northern Asia Minor. 

The mystic significance of wine.in pagan cult is confirmed by a 
remarkable statement inJustin Martyr (Dial. c.Trypho.295A) :““They 
record that he (Dionysos) discovered the vine, was torn to pieces 
and died, was resurrected and ascended to heaven and that in his 
mysteries they serve wine” (kal rodrov (Avévucov) ebperiy dpmédov 
vyevouevov kal dracrapaxbévta kal aro8avorvtra dvacryvat els oUpavor TE 
dverdnrvbévat icrop&ot kal otvoy év rots pvornplots avrod rapadépworr). 

Dionysos and gods like him, originally gods of vegetation, of vin- 
tage ae Nonnos, XXII, gO: dumenders Arovuce guTnKoue Koipave KapTa v) 
became naturally enough gods of the dead. A vegetation-god who 
died periodically and was revived again in the spring or who, to say 
the same thing in other words, descended to hell and returned vic- 
torious was naturally qualified to offer the dead the resurrection 


6 kt 

which he himself had experienced. The concept of resurrection was 
readily extended from the god to his worshipper because of the prim-. 
itive tendency to identify the deceased with deity. So among the 
Egyptians the dead man became Osiris in the other world. In the 
Cretans of Euripides (Porphyry, De dstinentia, IV, 19) the Orphic 
initiate says “I was hailed as Bakchos by the Kouretes.”’ The Orphic 
tablets remind the dead that he will be god instead of mortal. So it 
is not surprising that in later examples of the Spartan ste/ai, the 

seated figures sometimes are given names, e.g. Timokles. 
The very great importance of the juice of the plant-god in what 
may be called the vegetation-creed of immortality is strikingly evi- 
dent from an utterance of the Vedic worshipper which Farnell (Cu/ts 
of the Greek States, V, p. 122) has fittingly cited to elucidate the begin- 
nings of the idea of immortality in Thrace. The Vedic cousins of the 
Greeks exclaimed “We have drunk soma, we have become immortal, 
we have entered into light, we have known the gods.” The soma-li- 
bation to which the gods were invited made men not only immortal — 
but sharers in the divinity of Soma (cf. MissG. M. Davis, The Asiatic 
Dionysos (1914), p. 214). So in Mazdaean eschatology the hero Sao- 
shyant will prepare a drink of bull-fat and Aaoma which will assure all 
those who drink it of immortality (Cumont, Textes et Monuments 
Figurés Relatifs aux Mystéres de Mithra, |, p. 188). What soma and 
haoma were to the Aryans, wine was to the Greeks. It gave “a fore- 
taste of immortality” in this life, removing in moments of ecstasy 
the burden of self-consciousness and elevating man to the rank of 
deity. Plato according to Diogenes Laertios (III, 39) said that it was 
becoming for no one to drink to drunkenness except at festivals and 
of wine set apart for deity. That the Orphics associated wine with 
immortality is clearly seen in Plato’s jibes at the Orphics for believing 
that those who have lived a good life will have as their reward eternal 
drunkenness in Hades (Plut. Cim. et Lucul. 521; cf. Plato, Respub. 363 
C). Thereis perhaps an allusion to this creed in the Attic grave stele of 
Lyseas which is dated in the sixthcentury B.c. (4ntike Denkmdler, III, 
pl. 32). He stands holding a kantharos in one hand and ears of grain in 
the other, symbols probably of resurrection and immortality. The 
wine-cup loomed large in mystic creed and this may explain its great 


17 i 

size in the grave-reliefs of the Spartans. There the young Dionysos 
holds straight out before him a very large kantharos, and might ap- 
propriately be called the associate of the Achaean Demeter who bore 
the appellative rornp.opépos (Athenaios, XI, 460D). He offers the kan- 
tharos to the shades that have just come down to his kingdom. The 
scene isa sculptured commentary upon that fragment of Aristophanes 
(Kock, Com. Ait. Frag. 1, p. §17; cf. Dieterich, Nekyia,? p. 78) in 
which the dead are represented as saying “We would not thus lie 
in state crowned and anointed unless the moment we descended (to 
Hades) it were necessary to drink” (ei uw) KaraBdvras evOéws mivery 
é5er), a passage which hovers in mind as one reads: déyw yap byty dre 
ov pn Tlw ATO TOD YevyNuaTos THs auTédAov Ews STov } BactidreEla TOU Beod 
On. Luke, XXII, 18). The idea of ué6n aiwyios which.1s perhaps con- 
noted by the kantharos of the Spartan ste/e is not limited to Orphism. 
The kantharos of wine may be compared to the cup of zaremaya oil 
which was given to the soul of the righteous dead man before it en- 
tered paradise. By drinking the oil, the soul became oblivious of all 
worldly cares and prepared for eternal happiness (Haug, Essays on 
the Language and Religion of the Parses,4 p. 222). The belief survives 
in the Texts of the Saviour (cf. Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of 
Christianity, I1, p. 187) where Jesus says that a cup of oblivion is 
delivered to the tormented soul that it may drink and forget all. 

The offering of the cup in the Spartan ste/e suggests further a pas- 
sage of the Iliad (XV, 86) where at the coming of Hera to Olympos 
the gods rise up and hold out their cups in welcome, derkavdwvro 
derdeoo.v. Hera accepts a cup from Themis and bids her begin the 
equal feast for the gods. Themis by beginning the éacrés éions is in a 
sense an icodairnys, a name given to Dionysos. That Themis in heaven 
and Dionysos in Hades should extend the cup 1s interesting in view 
of their interrelations. Themis is identified with Gaia by Aischylos 
(Prom. Vinc. 212) who speaks of them as one in nature but of many 
names. Dionysos as a fertility-god is closely linked with Gaia and 
both appear associated with the bull. Themis in Epirus bore the ap- 
pellative ravpérwdos while Dionysos was invoked by the women of 
Elis to come with his bull-foot. 

The Spartan ste/ai may therefore be interpreted as alluding to a 


q 8 kK 


mystic belief in rebirth through the efficacy of the pomegranate and 

in immortality through the efficacy of the wine-cup, the kantharos.. 
There seems to have been an anticipation of the doctrine that one 

had to be reborn in order to share the realm of the immortals. Re- 

birth was a condition of the resurrection of plant-life and by an easy 

transfer of idea it became the condition of the resurrection of human 

life. 

Thus far the pomegranate and kantharos have been considered. 
The third important figure in the relief is the snake which is admit- 
tedly symbolic. There is a fragment of Orphic doctrine preserved by 

-Proklos (Abel, Orphica, p. 244) which probably throws light upon the 
symbolism of this snake. The passage is as follows: “Ere.” éru xal 
els Ta GAXa (Ga peraBacts éore ToY Yoxdy Tov avOpwrwv Kal TovTO 
Stapphinv Opdedls avadrdaoxer drnvixa adv dropitnrar’ 

Obvex’ dperBouévn Wux) Kata KbKXa xpdvoto 
avOpwrwyv morte merepxeTat AAAobev &dXots™ 
&ddore pév @ imrots, 6 6é yiverat.... 

& ore 5¢ tpdBaror, Tore S dpveov aivdy idécOat, 
&ddore 6 ad Kbvedv re déuas duvh Tre Bapeta, 
kal Puxpav ddiwpy Eprer yevos év xPovil din. 

It is seen at once that metasomatosis was a feature of Orphic faith, 
that the souls of men were thought to pass now into a horse, now 
into a sheep, into a bird terrible to behold, or into a dog or again 
into a snake. According to Aristotle (De Anima, I, 407B) the Pytha- 
goreans believed that any soul went into any body. Plato (Phaedrus 
249) represents the souls after the lapse of a thousand years choosing 
as second life whatever they wish (cf. Respub. 618A; Adam ad loc.). 
Such doctrine is probably Egyptian in origin. In the coffin texts and 
the Book of the Dead the deceased has the power to transform him- 
self into various beings. Herodotos construed this as transmigration 
of souls but Breasted (Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient 
Egypt, p. 277) takes a different view. 

The metasomatosis of the mortal is to be noted in connection with 
that of the god. The chorus in the Bakchai (1017) bid Dionysos ap- 
pear as a bull, a snake or a fiery lion where the lion preserves its 
oriental associations with fire. The interesting point is that the soul 


lo k 


of the mortal like that of his god Dionysos took on a variety of forms 
and was equally entitled to the divine appellation rodtuopdos and 
atoddpopdos. According to Nonnos (V, 564) Zagreus was an older 
Dionysos who was slain by Titans but came to life again as Dionysos 
(VI, 176) with the power of assuming various animal forms including 
the horned snake (192). Apparently both the god and the mortal had 
to die before they could pass into animal forms. This was natural 
enough in view of the mystic doctrine that at death a mortal who 
had been initiated could become god. The closeness of god to man in 
primitive thinking is shown by the fact that the god acquired im- 
mortality as in the Vedas by drinking soma (cf. J. M. Robertson, 
Pagan Christs (1903), Pp. 44). 

The snake in the field of the Spartan reliefs may then be inter- 
preted as representing such incarnation of the human soul as is men- 
tioned in Orphic teaching. From this transient form, the mystic 
hoped to obtain release through initiation and prayer (Abel, Orphica, 
p. 246). The snake is the preferred incarnation in the reliefs perhaps 
because of its traditional prominence in sepulchral monuments (cf. 
Kuster, Die Schlange in der Griechischen Kunst und Religion, p. 40) 
and its importance in the cult of Dionysos. A passage in Galen speaks 
of the Dionysiac devotees who were wont to tear snakes to pieces at 
the beginning of spring. Farnell (Cults of the Greek States, V, p. 166) 
very plausibly assumes that the purpose of this ritualistic practice 
was to devour the sacred flesh of the snake in which the god was 
supposed to incorporate himself. Another tradition records the trans- 
formation of Zeus into a snake in his relations with Persephone (Non- 
nos VI, 155-160). Zeus took the form of Persephone’s consort in 
order the more readily to attain his purpose. So if Dionysos was fre- 
quently conceived in the form of a snake, his devotees might logically 
prefer that form, since mystic doctrine prescribed for them deifica- 
tion. 

To seek allusions to Dionysiac cult in the details of the thrones of 
the Spartan grave ste/ai may be extravagant, yet Conze long ago 
suggested that the leg of the chair which takes the form of a bull’s leg 
might allude to Dionysos as ravpduopdos (Ann. d. Inst. 1870, p. 283). 
Similarly it might be said that the ram’s head of the arm-rest alluded 


| 10 

to victims sacrificed to Orpheus, or again that the swan’s head of 
the back of another such throne alludes to the metempsychosis. 
of Orpheus. He preferred a swan as his reincarnation (idety pév 
yap Wuxhy ton thy TroTe Opdéws yevouerny xixvov Blov aipovpévny Plato, 
Respub. 620A). One might seek similar allusion in the lotus of other 
thrones noting that a lotus is also held by one of the diminutive fig- 
ures in the relief. With these Spartan thrones should be compared 
those of the reliefs of the Harpy Tomb (Brunn-Bruckmann, Denk- 
miler Griech. u. Rom. Sculptur, pl. 146) which are remote in place 
but not in time. Again the back of one throne ends in a swan’s 
head as in a Locrian terracotta (4usonia, III (1908), p. 205, fig. 54) 
-and the arm-rest of another ends in a ram’s head. The kinship of 
the reliefs of Xanthos and Sparta is noted again in the occurrence in 
both of the cock, the pomegranate, and the egg. Conze may have 
been right after all. Certainly the choice of a sphinx for the throne of 
Damasistrate (Conze, Die Attischen Grabreliefs, pl. 97) in the fourth 
century was determined by the sepulchral character of the sphinx. 
But the idea of supports of such form is also Egyptian and probably 
came out of Egypt into Greece. The wish to animate inanimate objects 
was common to both countries (Rhys Carpenter, The Esthetic Basis 
of Greek Art (1921), p. 14). 

To return to the human figures of the relief, it will be recalled that 
the small forms have been regularly interpreted as the living de- 
scendants of the heroized dead. But since the large seated figures are 
rather chthonic deities, the small pair must be the deceased who have 
just entered Hades and now approach the infernal gods. The pome- 
granate which one of them carries makes the same mute appeal as 
the pomegranate of clay which was buried with the dead at Eleusis 
and Nola. The other objects they carry are symbolic enough. Plutarch 
(Sympos. 636E) says that in the orgies of Dionysos it was usual to 
consecrate an egg as representing that which generates and contains 
all things in itself. In the Book of the Dead (chap. 170) the dead man 
is addressed as follows: “Thou art Horus in an egg.” One of the 
Spartan figures holds a lotus which as a symbol is probably of Egyp- 
tian provenience, but it is found in the rock-cut Hittite sculpture of 
Tasili Kata and in reliefs discovered near Sinjerli (Lizbarski, Ephem- 





Wes ti ua 
CNN gS an 


aque 
_ 





: Descent of the Dead to Hades 


107n1 


f from Gerak 


g 


1 


Laconian Rel 


. Archaic 


2 


PAVERS EL 


1 i 

eris, III, pl. 13, p. 194). According to King (Gnostics (1887), p. 232) 
the lotus expressed the idea of fecundity. As an attribute of Isis it 
symbolized resurrection (Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. Isis, 
p- 5793 cf. Vellay, Le Culte d’ Adonis, p. 90). The cock which was sacri- 
ficed at times to the underworld powers appears in the hands of Per- 
sephone in a relief from Locri Epizephyrii (Farnell, Cu/ts of the Greek 
States, III, pl. V, p. 222; cf. Porphyry, De Abstinentia, IV, 16). These 
minor objects held by the small figures on the Spartan sée/e are not 
only symbols of generation but also of regeneration. They are in- 
tended to enhance, to insure the regeneration, the resurrection of 
those who take them along in the descent to the lower world. 

The theory that these small human figures are the deceased ap- 
pearing for judgment before the judges of the nether world is con- 
firmed by another Laconian stele (4th. Mitt. 1904, p. 43). The scene 
consists (fig. 2) of a large seated figure holding a kantharos from 
which a snake is about to drink, and two small nude forms. The latter 
are of unequal height, and appear to dangle in air for there is no 
- plastically indicated ground line for them to stand on. The moment, 
however, that a ground line is painted beneath their feet, they ap- 
pear descending a slope. They too are the deceased who have come 
down the dark ways in their nakedness to the throne of the chthonic 
god. The change from draped forms in the earliest Spartan stele to 
nude forms in this recalls the tradition preserved in Plato’s Gorgias 
(523E) that Zeus gave orders for the dead to appear nude for judg- 
ment. The earliest ste/e very probably preserves the Ionic prefer- 
ences for draped forms, while the latter gives the mainland prefer- 
ence for the nude. These nude figures are suppliants rather than 
“Adoranten.” Their right hands are raised in appeal, reminding one 
of the Orphic gold tablets—the Orphic book of the dead—which rep- 
resent the dead person as saying: “Now I am come a suppliant of 
Persephone that she may in kindly spirit send me to the seats of the 
blessed”’ (Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 669). Here we have only the male 
god but in the archetype of the series Persephone appears at the side 
of her consort. To the suppliant dead might be applied the words of 
Lucius in the account of his initiation into the mysteries of Isis: 
- Deos inferos et deos superos access coram et adoravi de proximo (Apul. 


12 | 

Metam. XI, 23). As the two approach, Persephone the consort of the 
underworld Zeus draws her veil aside like the consort of the Olym- . 
pian Zeus. The sculptor has thought of the subterranean queen in 
terms of the celestial. In both Spartan reliefs the deities of the under- 
world seem propitious extending a welcome to those newly arrived. 
The words of a Psalm come to mind (LX XV, 7-8): “But God is the 
judge: he putteth down one and setteth up another. For in the hand 
of the Lord is a cup, and the wine is red.” 

A late survival of these pagan scenes of judgment is found ina paint- 
ing of the tombof Vibia (Wilpert, Roma Sotterranea, pl. 132; text p. 362) 
where the figures are named in inscriptions: Mercurius nuntius who 
‘does not appear in the Spartan scenes brings Vibia before Dispater 
and Aeracura. Vibia was the wife of one Vincenttus priest of the god 
Sabazios (Dionysos). The pagan character of the paintings is illus- 
trated again by the scene (Maass, Orpheus, pl., p. 218) called abreptio 
Vibies the scheme of which is patterned after that of the rape of 
Persephone (’E¢. ’Apx. 1893, pl. 14). Aristophanes observed tradition — 
when hemade Dionysos the judge of the contest of Aischylos and Eu- 
ripides in the Frogs. 

Perhaps a still later survival of an underworld scene is to be recog- 
nized upon a Gallo-Roman cippus published by Voulot (Revue Arch. 
1883, pls. I-IV). A female figure (Persephone?) holds two diminutive 
forms wrapped in swaddling clothes—possibly the deceased. Voulot 
sees in the beardless man who passes his arm around a shaggy monster, 
a resemblance to the Gallo-Roman Mercury of northeastern Gaul. 
A snake (did. p. 8) and a cup, the latter corresponding in size to the 
kantharos of the Spartan reliefs, give the scene a chthonic character. 
Itis very probably a provincial and degenerate version of Persephone 
receiving the souls of the dead in the lower world. 

There remains the question of the provenience of the archetype of 
the Spartan reliefs, a question to which some reference has already 
been made. The Berlin archetype was certainly carved in Lakonia 
but for many details of the relief one must turn toward Asia Minor. 
The clinging drapery of the small standing figures is Ionic recalling 
that of the standing female figures of the Harpy tomb. In both re- 
liefs the drapery follows closely the contour revealing the form of the 


113 k 

leg although not drawn taut by the hand as is the drapery of the 
maidens of the Acropolis. This arrangement like the white slip of 
Laconian vases is Ionic. A still closer determination of the source of 
the archetype may be made with the help of archaic Etruscan art. 
The shoe with curved toe worn by the Persephone of the ste/e is found 
in archaic Etruscan sculpture. It is the peculiar form commonly 
called Hittite which the Etruscans brought from Asia Minor. It was 
not at home in Greek art and disappears from the later reliefs of the 
Spartan series. The Spartan ivories, although revealing Oriental in- 
fluence, show no examples of such a curved shoe. Yet other features 
of the Spartan reliefs which find close parallels in Etruria are the 
sloping eye and the receding brow which are both particularly notice- 
able in the Persephone of the Berlin example. The male heads of this 
relief should be compared with the female heads of the Caeretan 
sarcophagus (Mon. Ant. VIII, pls. 13-14). Four conspicuous braids 
of hair in each case reach well down over the shoulders and the chest. 
Both wear what seems to be a tight cap with a rolled edge. Both 
‘wear a mantle with widely spaced creases, revealing at the feet the 
narrower folds of the chiton. 

The conclusion to be drawn from these observations is that Lydia 
or the region of Lydia must have contributed the prototype of the 
Spartan s/e/ai. This presupposes some interrelation between Lydia 
and Sparta of which there is sufficient evidence. Alkman of Sardis 
went to Sparta to live, yet boasted of his Lydian origin (4nth. Pal. 
VII, 709). The town of Nysa in Lydia was founded by a Spartan 
named Athymbos. A feature of the cult of Artemis Orthia at Sparta 
was a tour? Avidy (Plutarch, 4rist. 17). The heroes who found the 
image of Artemis Orthia (Paus. III, 16, 9) have names of Lydian 
connotation. One of these, Alopekos (fox) seems to have been a prim- 
itive hypostasis of Dionysos in Lydia because the Lydian name for 
Dionysos was Baco apebs, which was derived from Baco dpa ‘fox.’ The 
other hero Astrabakos derived his name from dorp 467 ‘mule’s saddle’ 
which Harpokration (s. v.) says was not used by men. Hence it 
suited the effeminate Dionysos of the Lydians. Now it was about the 
middle of the sixth century, the period of the older Spartan ste/az, 
that Lydia and Sparta were in direct communication. When the 


1 14 K 
Spartans sent to Lydia for gold for a statue of Apollo, Kroisos made 
them a present of the metal. When the Delphic oracle advised Kroisos - 
to make the most powerful Greeks his allies against the Persians, he 
made an alliance with the Spartans (Herod. I, 69, 2). Curiously 
enough Sfard (Persian Sparda) the Lydian name of Sardis (Littmann, 
Sardis, V1,pp.11—12) is phonetically very close to the name Sparta. 
While it is thus certain that Lydia was in sufficient communication 
with Sparta in the first half of the sixth century to have transmitted 
to Spartan sculptors the model for their peculiar grave s¢e/a/, still no 
stelai have been found in Lydia which in any way resemble the 
Spartan type and which would serve to counterbalance the Laconian 
kylix discovered at Sardis in a tomb of about the time of Kroisos. It 
is quite possible that a Lydian artisan imbued with a knowledge of 
the mystic cult of Samothrace produced the archetype of the Spartan 
series, with its allusions to metempsychosis, rebirth and immortality. 


II 
VAS VITAE 


THERE are several Spartan reliefs in which the snake rises to drink 
from a kantharos (fig. 2; Tod and Wace, 4 Catalogue of the Sparta 
Museum, pp. 104-7). If the large figure holding the cup is Dionysiac 
in character, then the significance of the scene is clear. He is offering 
the cup of immortality, the vas vitae, to a soul-snake that seeks re- 
lease from the cycle and cessation from ill (xbxdov 7’ab APEat Kal 
dvarvedoat kaxdrnros). In the typical Mithraic tauroctony (fig. 7, p. 
36) the snake rises to drink the blood of the divine bull at the wound 
or is about to drink from a krater. Is there not a kinship of idea in 
these two reliefs? Is not the snake in the Mithraic relief drinking the 
life-giving blood of a divine bull and the snake in the Spartan relief 
drinking the wine-blood of Dionysos or better of the bull Dionysos, 
for he was invoked under that form? Wine was closely associated 
with blood. According to the Bundahish (Cumont, Textes et Monu- 
ments, I, p. 197) the vine arose from the blood of the primitive bull. 
“From the blood (arose) the grape-vine from which they make the 
wine; on this account wine abounds with blood.” There was as 
Lenormant has pointed out (Daremberg et Saglio, s. v. Bacchus, p. 
622) a conception of the vine not only as an attribute of Dionysos 
but as the god himself (Arnobius, 4dv. Gentes V, 43) whose blood 
flows from the press and forms wine. Saint Clement of Rome in the 
second century tells us (Hom. VI, 9; Cumont, iid. II, p. 9) of such 
belief: (AauBdvover) Avévucdy ruves eis &uredov. Plutarch quotes a cer- 
tain poet who spoke of men cutting the limbs of Demeter (/s7s et 
Osiris,377D). Prodikos of Keos in the fifth century B.c.had practically 
said that Demeter was the bread and Dionysos the wine (Cicero, De nat. 
deorum, 1, 42; cf. Welcker, Kleine Schriften, 1, p. 520; Frazer, Golden 
Bough, 1, p. 183). 1f the vine was Dionysos, it was natural to regard the 
juice of the grape as his blood. With this pagan conception in mind, 
certain Christian conceptions become more intelligible. In mediaeval 
art it is not the grapes which one sees under the wine-press but Christ 


16 i 

himself and from the press there flows not the juice of the grape but 
the blood of a god. A recently discovered painting, as yet unpublish- 
ed, which is now in the museum of Rheims illustrates the motif in 
drastic fashion (cf. E. Male, L’ Art relig. de la Fin du Moyen Age (1908), 
p- 113). There would then appear to be a close parallelism between 
conceptions of the pagan and Christian god of immortality. Both 
were conceived of as the vine and their blood as the juice of the grape 
which conferred immortality upon him who partook thereof. We have 
here to do with a continuity of conception. Saintyves (Les Grottes 
(1918), p. 212) believes there survives a tradition that the grotto of 
Gethsemane was the place where Christ was placed in the wine-press. 

The phraseology of early Christian writers is naturally colored by 
this conception. St. Cyprian (Migne, P. L. IV, 389) asks: “When the 
blood of the grapes is mentioned what else is en than the wineof 
the cup of the blood?” St. Clement (Migne, P. G. VIII, 428) writes: 
“He blessed wine saying “Take, drink, this is my blood, blood of the 
grape.” In John XV, 1, Christ says “I am the true vine.”’ What sug- — 
gested the choice of words for the figure “the true vine?” In Corin- 
thians I, X, 21, one reads: “Ye cannot be partakers of the Lord’s table 
and of the table of devils.” This is a clear statement of the opposition 
of the Christian to the pagan communion (cf. Gardner, The Religious 
Expertence of St. Paul, p. 122;Clemen, Religionsgeschichtliche V ersuche 
und V orarbeiten, XIII (1913), p. 0). There was then a false bread and 
a false wine which constituted the pagan sacrament. Demeter or Per- 
sephone was the false bread and Dionysos the false wine or the false 
vine. A fragmentary inscription (4rch. Epig. Mitt. 1882, p. 8 No. 14) 
says that the priest of the Samothracian mysteries broke sacred bread 
and poured out drink for the mystai. An Attic vase-painting (Darem- 
berg et Saglio, s. v. Eleusinia, p. 570) shows two mystai seated and 
crowned, about to receive the sacramental cup. In a basket is the 
bread. 

It is possible that Dionysos was both bread and wine. In a hymn 
of the twelfth century B.c. Osiris, the Egyptian counterpart of Dio- 
nysos, is addressed as the father and mother of men who “eat of the 
flesh of thy body” (Erman, Zeitsch. fiir degypt. Sprache, XX XVIII, 
p- 33). A love-charm which probably preserves a fragment of ritual 


1 17 I 

used in the Alexandrian Serapeion says “May this wine become the 
blood of Osiris” (cf. Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I, p. 
87). It would seem as if the rite of eating the body and drinking the 
blood of a god—a strange rite when taken by itself—could be traced 
back to a rite of eating the fruit of the wheat-stalk and drinking the 
juice of the vine when the wheat-stalk and the vine were themselves 
regarded as deity. To eat the wheaten cake was then to eat the body 
of deity and to drink the juice of the vine was to drink the blood of 
deity. When with the progress of culture men began to think of deities 
inhuman form, the deities of grain and the vine became anthropomor- 
phic, but change of divine form was not accompanied by a change in 
ritual phraseology. The devotees continued to eat the body and drink 
the blood of their anthropomorphized gods. A survival of the old con- 
ception in the new 1s perhaps to be seen in the rite at Aricia near Rome 
where loaves, baked in the image of the king of the wood, seem to have 
been eaten sacramentally (Frazer, Spirits of the Corn and theW1ld, I\,p. 
95). The early substance has been given the later form. If such was the 
evolution of the sacrament it was unknown to Cicero (De Nat. Deo- 
rum, III, 16, 41) who asked: “When we call corn Ceres and wine Bac- 
chus do you imagine anyone so crazy as to believe the thing he feeds 
on is a god?” It was natural enough that this transformation should 
lead to the doctrine of transubstantiation, that the change of the god 
to human form should bring about a corresponding change of the 
bread and wine, originally the real body and blood of the god, to the 
body and blood of the new god of human form. 

To return to the Spartan s¢e/ai after this digression upon wine and 
blood, one may perhaps apply to the scene the words of Matthew 
XXVI, 27. Dionysos in offering the cup to the soul whether of human 
or serpentine form seems to say: mlere €€ avrov (éx robrou Tod yevvnuartos 
THs dumédov) TavrEs. TOOTO Yap €oTLTO alma pou TO TEpl TOAAGY ExxvVOMEVOY 
els peo duapriwy. For, according to Orphic doctrine, the human 
soul had to be purified, and a Petelia tablet represents the dead as 
saying that he comes “pure from the pure.” Porphyry (De Antro 
Nympharum, 11) tells us that pure souls avoid generation. Purifica- 
tion through remission of sins was also an Orphic doctrine as is ob- 


vious from a passage in Plato (Respud. II, 364E): “They offer many 


18 i 

books of Mousaios and Orpheus . . . and persuade not only individuals 
but even cities that there is remission of sins through sacrifice both 
for the living and the dead. These sacrifices they call mysteries which 
free us from evil there but dreadful things are in store for those who 
do not sacrifice.” The deceased pair in the Spartan relief who have 
just descended to the underworld seem about to receive from the en- 
throned god the wine-blood which will confer remission of sin and 
immortality. In partaking of the wine-blood of the god of resurrec- 
tion and immortality, they have identified themselves with him and 
will share his resurrection and immortality. 

The soul-snake of the ste/ai is offered not only the kantharos but 
also the pomegranate (Tod and Wace, 4 Catalogue of the Sparta 
Museum, p. 104, fig. 4). This fragmentary stele is stylistically very 
close to the archetype of the series. Both reliefs show the same profile 
of the head with straight receding brow and sloping eye. The chiton 
of both figures has the same curious vertical projection from the 
back. This figure is perhaps Dionysos vap6nxodépos offering a pome- 
granate to a soul-snake. The seated Dionysos in other Spartan ste/az 
holds the pomegranate and he was represented with pomegranate- 
trees about him on the chest of Kypselos (Paus. V, 19, 6). A striking 
parallel to this scene is found perhaps in a story which Epiphan- 
ios tells about the eucharist of the Ophites (Legge, Forerunners and 
Rivals of Christianity, I, p.61). They were accustomed to keepa tame 
serpent in a chest which was released at the consecration of the eucha- 
rist and twined itself around the sacred bread. Could this serpent be 
a soul-serpent seeking release and immortality by means of the bread 
of eternal life? This serpent should be compared with another, in a 
scene on a silver plate of the first century B.c., which emerges from 
a kiste to drink froma kantharos held by a Maenad, (Collect. Stroganoff 
Rome (1912), 1,pl. XXX). TheOphiteswerea post-Christian sect local- 
ized in Phrygia and evolved a system which combined Christian ele- 
ments with the ancient mystic doctrines of Asia Minor. Their Son of 
Man was called Adamas (Unconquered) which was also an appella- 
tive of Hades Dionysos (Theokritos, II, 34) and recalls the Mithraic 


GVLKNTOS. 





— 


ae 





3. Cover of Etruscan Sarcophagus Found at Corneto: 
The Deceased Represented as Priest of Dion LY SOS 


BEATE try 


Ill 
STAG AND KANTHAROS IN AN ETRUSCAN RELIEF 


In a relief on an Etruscan urn of the third century ( fig. 3; cf. Martha, 
L’ Art Etrusque, p. 345; F. Weege, Etruskische Malerei (1921), p. 15) 
Dionysos or his priest is represented holding a thyrsos anda kantharos 
which a stag is trying to reach. The motif is then that of the Spartan 
stelai with the stag substituted for the snake. The mystic meaning is 
probably also the same, the stag being an incarnation of the soul which 
seeks purification and release from the cycle of transmigration by 
means of the wine-blood of the wine-god. There may be an echo of 
this metamorphosis in the Theban legend of Aktaion who was con- 
verted into a stag and torn to pieces. According to Apollodoros (III, 
4, 4) Aktaion was killed by Zeus because of his attentions to Semele. 
This tradition brings him into the circle of the earth and fertility- 
deities. His name may be derived from ar ‘corn.’ The presence of 
such metempsychosis in Etruria would not be surprising in view of the 
fact that Dionysiac worship, made its way there from the Orphic 
strongholdsof MagnaGraecia (Livy, XX XIX, 8 ;cf.Weege, bid. p.24). 

There is a fragmentary kylix (F. H. S. UX (1888), pl. VI) attributed 
to Euphronios which represents Orpheus sinking to the ground be- 
fore the attacks of a Thracian woman. Her arm is tattooed with a 
stag which may have been the mark with which the Thracians 
branded their women. According to Plutarch (De Sera Num. Vind. 
557D) the branding was done as a punishment for the death of 
Orpheus. Men were also branded with the image of a stag to judge 
from the curious name *Eda¢éorexros (Lysias, XIII, 19) which must 
be the equivalent of @\adoy éoruypuévos (cf. Dittenberger, Hermes, 
XXXVI (1902), p. 299; Ath. Mitt. XVI (1891), p. 58; Fahrbuch 
des kais. Deut. Arch. Inst. XXVII (1912), p. 32). Upon what part of 
the body *Edadéorixros was branded is not stated. The Samians 
branded Athenian prisoners upon the forehead with the mark of an 
owl and the Athenians branded the Samians with the mark of a boat. 
The mystic character of the stag upon the Thracian woman’s arm is 


i 20 Kt 

confirmed by the ladder tattooed upon her wrist, for the allusion 
must be to the Orphic ladder by which the initiate was to mount to 
the spheres. It has probably the same symbolic value as the ladder 
raised in relief on a terra-cotta kantharos which was discovered in a 
Mithraeum at Friedberg (Cumont, Textes et Monuments, II, p. 358). 
Perhaps the source of both is the ladder by which King Pepi II went 
up to Chepera, the sun-god. 

Attention has already been called to the Mithraic tauroctony in 
which the dog, the snake, and the lion seek either the blood or the 
seed of the divine bull. The temptation is great to regard these ani- 
mals as corresponding in character to the animal forms which the 
~ Mithraic candidate assumed in his initiation. Porphyry (De 4ntro 
Nympharum, 10) says that those who live in the world of generation 
have souls which like blood and humid seed. The animal forms in the 
relief of the tauroctony may be incarnations in the world of generation. 


IV 
AN ETRUSCAN TOMB PAINTING 


Ir the small figure of the Spartan ste/e ( fig. 1) that holds a pomegran- 
ate has been correctly interpreted as bearing to judgment the symbol 
of what is especially craved, resurrection, then the significance of an 
Etruscan sepulchral painting becomes clear. In the Tomba del Car- 
dinale at Corneto (Micali, Storia degli Antichi Popoli Italiani, IV, 
pl. 65) which has been dated in the second half of the fourth century, 
three figures of the dead have just entered the portal of Hades. Of 
these the first carries a spade, the second a fork and the third a reed 
(cf. Weege, Etruskische Malerei, p. 35). 

As the pomegranate was the attribute of Persephone, so among 
the attributes of her consort was the two-pronged fork or dixedXa, 
which alluded to his quality as ¢epéoBios (cf. Lenormant in Darem- 

berg et Saglio s. v. Bacchus, p. 632). The dixeddXa was his attribute in 
literature rather than in art like the sickle of Demeter (xpvcdopos). 
In the Etruscan painting the newly arrived dead carries the fork, the 
attribute of Hades-Dionysos just as in the Spartan relief the de- 
ceased carries the pomegranate of Persephone. The fork and the 
spade, implements instrumental in the resuscitation of plant-life be- 
come by an easy transfer instrumental in the resuscitation of human 
life in the realm beyond. They are very appropriate and very logical 
symbols of resurrection in a vegetation-creed of immortality. As for 
the reed carried by the third figure in the painting, that was an 
ancient attribute of Dionysos which gave him the appellative 
vap0nxoddpos. The reed must have been carried in mystic rites for 
there was a saying attributed to Orpheus that the reed-bearers were 
many but the Bakchoi few (vapOnkoddpor wév roddol, Baxxor b€7€ Tadpot). 

There are two kinds of genii in the painting, one of flesh-color, ob- 
viously a good genius, and the other of black color, obviously bad. 
St. Augustine would probably have called the black genius an “angelus 
diaboli” (De Civ. Dei, V, 9). This genius seems to have survived in 

St. Peter’s Apocalypse where the punishing angels wear dark gar- 


| 22 K 

ments (oi cohafovres dyyedou oKoTELvov ELxov TO Evdupma, Dietrich, Nekyia 
p- 4, |. 45). The xaxds &yyedos of Greek folklore is probably a modern . 
descendant (cf. Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek 
Religion, p. 288) as are perhaps the black demons of Turkish super- 
stition who are hidden with the dead and beat him about the ears 
with hammers if they find him guilty (Inghirami, Monumenti Etruschi, 
I, p. 254). 

The Etruscan genius of the lower world who seems to be a diminu- 
tive replica of Charun resembles in function the Cretan Zagreus, the 
great hunter, the god of the dead who drove before him with blows 
those destined for his kingdom (cf. Miss Davis, The Asiatic Dionysos, 

‘p. 156). The conception of Hades as a hunter has survived into mod- 
ern Greek folklore which represents Charos issuing forth as a hunter 
to the chase (Lawson, ibid. pp. 105, 165). The Greek Charon and the 
Etruscan Charun seem to be superannuated predecessors of Hades. 

The question now arises as to the sources of the so-called mallet of 
the Etruscan Charun. It looks very much like the double axe of Zeus — 
which decorated pillars in the Cnossian palace. The Cretan Zeus and 
Dionysos Zagreus the hunter seem to have been closely associated 
because in a fragment of the Cretans of Euripides (n. 475) the 
speaker says he became an initiate of the Idaean Zeus and of Zagreus. 
The association of the double axe with the cult of the deadin Minoan 
times is shown by the painting on the sarcophagus of Hagia Triada 
which represents a sepulchral libation of blood between two pillars 
surmounted by the double axe (Mon. Ant. XIX pl. 1). 

The double axe of Zeus was the thunderbolt of Zeus. According to 
one tradition Orpheus was slain with a thunderbolt, according to 
another he was slain with a double axe. These are but two ways of 
saying the same thing. The thunderbolt was very important in the 
Orphic and mystic rites. Porphyry (Vita Pythag. 17) tells us that 
Pythagoras in the course of his initiation in Crete was purified by a 
thunderbolt at the hands of an Idaean Dactyl. The Orphic tablets 
instructed the initiate to announce that he had been overcome by a 
thunderbolt—probably because Orpheus himself had suffered that 
fate. Asklepios according to Clement of Alexandria (Protrep. II, 30) 
was killed in the same way and hence the false prophet of Asklepios 


1 23 i 
(Lucian, 4/ex. 59) predicts that he will be smitten at the end of 150 
years. Artemidoros (Oneirocritica, II, 9) states that a man who had 
been struck by lightning was honored even as a god. 

In summing up this discussion one might say that Charun, an old 
fertility-Zeus, kept his double axe in the underworld while his suc- 
cessor naturally appropriated its counterpart and when this Zeus was 
elevated from earth to the celestial regions he carried with him his 
mundane implement. There it became the battle-axe of the skies 
which he hurled in time of thunder. As Charun thrust mortals into 
Hades with his double axe so his successor, the celestial Zeus, smote 
the Titans with his double axe, the thunderbolt, and hurled them 
into Tartaros. 

Theconception of the thunderbolt asalightning-axesurvivesinmod- 
ern Greek in the word dorporedéxe a Shortened form of *acrpamomedext 
(Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion, p. 72). 
Although the word zrédexvs in the sense of thunderbolt nowhere occurs 
in ancient literature, the compound has a suspiciously ancient ring 
- and explains, as Lawson maintains, the ancient Cretan symbol of the 
double axe. 

The Greek tragedians speak of the pick-axe of Zeus with which he 
deals destruction. Sophokles in an unknown play used the phrase 
xpvoy waxéddy Znvds and Aristophanes in the Birds (1240) represents 
Iris as threatening the birds with the pick-axe of Zeus in the hands 
of Dike (cf. Aischylos, 4gam. 525). These descriptions of the thunder- 
bolt as a pick-axe recall the primitive period when the chief god 
of the pantheon was armed with the implements of peace, the axe 
and the pick, which served also as implements of war. The etymology 
of the word paxedda is obscure according to Boisacq (Dictionnaire 
Etymologique de la Langue Grecque, s.v.). It is a compound as is seen 
from the congeneric form dixedda and is therefore to be resolved into 
wa and xedda (Lt. mateola). The syllable wa is very probably a re- 
duction from *cewa, the root (?) of Zewédn, and the second component is 
perhaps akin to xvddés ‘curved, crooked, twisted.’ The compound 
would then have the original meaning of an ‘implement of curved 
form for working the earth,’ an ‘earth-tool.’ These primary ideas of 
‘ground’ and ‘curve’ would serve equally well for the basic meaning 


Hf 24 k 
of waKeddov, waxedos ‘enclosure,’ i.e. ground surrounded by a curved 
fence. 

Zeus, before he ascended to the sky, was a deity of fertility whose 
attribute was logically the implement of the worker of the soil which 
promoted fertility. As a fertility-god he naturally acquired chthonic 
value, and again as a fertility-god he naturally acquired domination 
over light and rain as contributing causes of fertility. He ascended 
into heaven as his congeners Osiris and Dionysos did, but he carried 
with him as a sign of his provenience the earth-pick, the double axe, 
the waxedXa which became the dorpored€xe of the thunder-god. The 
etymology of the name Zeus will be discussed in a subsequent chap-- 
ter (p. 180). 








4. Archaic Terracotta from a Lydian Tomb of the Sixth Century at 
Sardis: A Soul-dove Perched on a Pomegranate 


PLATE IV 


V 


THE LYDIAN SEPULCHRAL POMEGRANATE AND 
OTHER SYMBOLS 


THE statement has already been made that the clay pomegranate 
discovered in a grave of the geometric period was placed there for 
the same reason that the pomegranate was sculptured in the hand of 
the deceased in Spartan reliefs. The custom of giving that important 
symbol to the dead existed in Lydia also, for in a tomb at Sardis 
dated in the sixth century B.c. there has recently been found a 
terracotta pomegranate which is surmounted by a dove (jig. 4). This 
composite figurine at once explains a sepulchral symbol which is carv- 
ed in relief on late Phrygian stelai (B. C. H. 1909, pp. 294, 296, 
Jigs. 21-2). The symbol consists of a dove perched on a round object 
( fig. 5) which is set between and partly above the heads of the figures of 
~ the deceased pair. Mendel describes this symbol as a bird perched on 
either a rosette or fruit. The ste/e is pagan because Herakles and 
Kerberos are also represented in it. As Lydia was once mistress of 
the Phrygian territory where these reliefs were discovered, there 1s 
an additional reason for regarding the Lydian terracotta and the 
Phrygian motif as having the same significance though separated in 
time by several centuries. The pomegranate of the tomb is realistic, 
that of the Phrygian s¢e/e is conventionalized. The soul-dove and the 
pomegranate which is the symbol of rebirth correspond to the soul- 
snake and the kantharos, the symbol of immortality. As the soul- 
snake rises to drink from the kantharos, so the bird partakes of the 
pomegranate in a Samian sée/e (Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 352, fig. 
106). The idea of a bird as the embodiment of a soul is familiar 
enough. Liberalis tells of a soul flying from a bier (4th. Mitt. XXVI 
(1901), p. 155) which reminds one of the Egyptian Ba or soul-bird 
(cf. MacCulloch, The Religion of the Ancient Celts (1911), pp. 359-60). 

The traditional association of Etruria with Lydia would lead one 
to expect the soul-bird in Etruscan art. Now Martha (L’4rt Etrus- 
que, p. 368, fig. 254; cf. Alessandro della Seta, Religione e Arte Figurata 


Hl 26 | 
(1912), p. 175, fig. 131) has so interpreted the bird perched on the 
stem of a lotus-flower which the deceased person holds in a relief of . 
the sixth century. The Etruscan and Lydian sepulchral birds are one 
and the same in conception. The bird is not found in the Spartan 
reliefs but the suppliant dead there hold both the lotus and the 
pomegranate. 

But can the sepulchral dove be brought directly into the circle of 
Dionysiac symbolism? Athenaios (V,200C) described a Bacchic pro- 
cession at Alexandria in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus. A feature 
of the procession was a cave from which doves flew. Two streams 
issued from the cave, one of milk and one of wine. Saintyves (Les 
Grottes, p. 96) interprets the doves as souls which after drinking of 
the springs of wisdom and satiating themselves with the milk and 
wine of the lesser and greater mysteries fly away toward the sky. 
Now this Bacchic procession had certain distinctively Lydian feat- 
ures. Athenaios (V, 198E) tells us that Baccapar and Avéai took part 
Init: 

In one of the Phrygian reliefs (B. C. H. 1909, p. 293, fig. 20) a 
basket of round objects appears between the two figures of the de- 
ceased which Mendel takes to be balls of wool. A bird is perched 
upon the round objects. They are rather conventionalized pome- 
granates which have been substituted for the single pomegranate 
with dove perched upon it. It is again to Italy that one turns for a 
certain example of the sepulchral basket of pomegranates, a tomb 
painting at Cumae, an Ionic colony (Mon. Ant. I, pl. p. 955). This 
painting is dated by Sogliano in the third century B.c. and represents 
a maid bringing to the deceased a basket of pomegranates which are 
painted red. The basket is of the same tall sort as the pomegranate 
basket of the Phrygian ste/e. More red pomegranates are painted on 
the wall of the tomb. Other examples have been found at Nola and 
Capua (Fahrbuch des kais. Deut. Arch. Inst. 1909, ppl. VII, XII, B). 
What is the explanation of this plethora of pomegranates? Can it be 
that many were considered more potent than one and gave greater se- 
curity just as in Egypt several statues of the dead afforded greater 
guarantees of the perpetuation of the soul than one statue could? 

In the Cumaean painting, the basket is a kalathos the importance 





5. Sepulchral Relief of the late Second Century A.D. from Aikirikdji: 
Between the Heads of the Deceased, a Symbolic Dove 


PLATE V: 





«4 ia : 
gene AY TS ey 


qin iri 








A : hy 
‘ 4 ; Mi 
| Brabreal 
f | ; 
a rN Will 
: mat 
Ae | ‘ [ 
- 7 r 
; 4) 
: ' u | 
ue ‘ 
m i} 
¥ } 
iv j 
i ’ i 
7 j 
4 ' - / 
i 435 
‘ a 
fi f 
py) 
i | 
1 
i t 
4 
i] 
i 
i 
i 
se 
; i 
/ a 
i . 
“ ‘ 
¥ 
' 
. 
f 
wt 7 } 
i ‘ 
, 
- ‘ 
{ 
Libri f 
| 
} ! ' 
"I | 
‘ Tt: 
. | 
| | 
bi P ; ih I | 
} vw } 
| ti 
bs a ee 
' L \ 
t 4 f i | 
9 2 m 4 . 
“4 ’ ’ i? 
ae ya 
\ . sear, 
a . 
‘ = j bs , r 
] Fes ' i A ; ) 
1 rw alt eae 
ad ’ ; i ; | 
/ owe Nias 
~ be inl ‘ ; Phy, if 
bs < | 
Aver a a , iT ee hte \ 
| 4 ’ - hy he Ra) ae ba y 
Sr ar a Fh gh sh eae 
‘ os & ‘ — iy , ; ne 
4s \ ras ‘ partir t! 
’ -~— | a bt +e 0 ia, ra -_ Tj SS ifé 
yt eae , be MR Le ST 


27 


of which is established by the fact that it was given the position of 
honor in the processionat Alexandria. It was set on a car drawn by 
four white horses (Kallimachos, ad Cer. 121; cf. Farnell, Cults of the 
Greek States, I11, p. 199). The important attribute of Serapis was the 
kalathos which was set upon the head of his statues. Now what was in 
this kalathos? With the Cumaean painting and the Phrygian ste/e in 
mind where the basket is filled with pomegranates, it is tempting to 
conjecture that the Alexandrian ka/athos, so highly honored contained 
the pomegranate as the very important symbol of rebirth or resur- 
rection. 

This conjecture precipitates another which has to do with the 
Eleusinian mystic formula recorded by Clement of Alexandria (Pro- 
trep. 18): évnorevoa, érvov Tov KuKeBva, EkaBov éx xlorns, éyyeve huevos 
(ms. épyacdmevos) areféuny eis KaNabov Kal éx KaddOov els Kiorny. This 
is a record of fasting followed by a sacrament. First the initiate 
drank the kykeon which was a mixture, then he took something from 
the kiste, tasted of it (?) and placed it in the ka/athos only torestore it 
to the kzste. Since the mystic kalathos in sepulchral art contained 
pomegranates and since Persephone ate of the seeds of the pome- 
_ granate it would be a reasonable conjecture that the Eleusinian 
kalathos contained that symbolic fruit (or a sacred cake made of its 
seed) of which the initiate tasted following the example of his revered 
goddess. But the Eleusinian ka/athos could not have contained pome- 
granates because the mystic of Eleusis was forbidden to eat them 
(Porphyry, De Abstinentia, IV, 16;cf. Frazer, Pausanias’s Description 
of Greece, 1V, p. 380). Itmay be that the Eleusinian ka/athos contained 
bread of such shape as was served women at the Haloa. It will be 
noticed in the formula that the initiate first drinks and then tastes. 
The same sequence is suggested in the Spartan ste/e where the male 
deity extends the cup while his consort holds the pomegranate in one 
hand which rests upon her knee. Other interpretations of the Eleu- 
sinian formula are given by Foucart (Les Mystéeres d’ Eleusis, p. 379). 

A basket of pomegranates was very possibly a sepulchral symbol 
in the Minoan Age. In a scene on the sarcophagus of Hagia Triada 
(Mon. Ant. XIX, pl. 2) where a consecration to chthonic purpose of 
the blood of a bull seems to be represented, there is a basket full of 


[28 ff 

round objects which may be pomegranates. Parabeni calls them fruit 
and cites an Egyptian parallel. Miss Harrison (Themis, p. 178) thinks 
they are fruit-shaped cakes. The basket is not nearly so tall as the 
Greek kalathos. If the conjecture is correct, the basket of pomegran- 
ates has come down from Minoan times along with the feminine 
costume of the kitharoidos and the seven-stringed lyre which appear 
in the painting on the same sarcophagus. 

Another detail of the Phrygian ste/ai which occurs in several ex- 
amples is the plow (B. C. H. 1909, pp. 293-9, figs. 19, 20, 24). It 1s 
another illustration of the use of an agricultural implement as a mys- 
tic symbol like the spade and the fork of the Etruscan tomb-painting . 
(p. 21). The plow as helping in the resurrection of plant-life became a 
symbol of the resurrection of human life. The fertility-god of im- 
mortality Dionysos was credited with the invention of the plow 
(Diodoros, ITI, 64) as was his counterpart Osiris in Egypt. On the 
Mazzara sarcophagus (Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. Ceres, 
p- 1053) there is represented besides the scene of the rape of Perse- 
phone a group of a plowman and sower who perhaps allude to the 
promise of new life given by the vegetation-goddess of resurrection. 








6. Hybrid Statue from the Mithraeum at Ostia 


PLAT EV. L 


VI 
THE MEANING OF MITHRAIC SCULPTURE 


Nor the least remarkable among the sculptures of antique mysti- 
cism is the curious hybrid statue which stood within the Mithraeum. 
Its exact place is known because one example was found im situ 
sealed in a niche where it was visible only through a small hole (fz. 
6; cf. Cumont, Textes et Monuments, I, p. 81; II, p. 238). Another 
specimen which was also found in a sealed chamber was seen and 
described by the antiquary Flaminius Vacca (King, Gnostics, p. 130). 
This curious Mithraic statue combines the head of a lion with a 
human body which is wrapped in the coils of a snake and regularly 
provided with wings. The hybrid holds two large keys or a thunder- 
bolt. Cumont (747d. I, p.75) calls attention to the interesting fact that 
these lion-headed figures differ not only in the different provinces but 
‘even in the same city. Some have the feet of a crocodile and must be 
of Egyptian provenienceor due to contamination with Egyptian ideas. 
Since the Persians did not have statues of deities (Herod. I, 131; 
Strabo, XV, 3, 13) the hybrid image must be an occidental attempt 
to visualize certain important Mithraic ideas. A number of these 
statues are illustrated by Cumont (ddd. II, pp. 213, 238). 

The interpretation of this strange monster presents a real problem. 
Cumont (z4id. I, p. 77) with the help of ancient references comes to 
the conclusion that the statue represents Kronos, identified with 
Chronos, god of time, whom he regards as the representative of the 
Persian god Zervan Akarana (Boundless Time). Now the Dionysiac 
associations of a god of time are shown by a passage in Suidas s.v. 
“Hpdicxos: TO appntov ayadpua Tov Aidvos bd Tov Oeov KaTEexopevor Sv 
*AreEavdpets ériunoay "Oo.puy dvra Kal "“Adwrtv duod. Cumont (zdzd. I, 
p- 76) admits that Aiw» was possibly the Mithraic mystic name for 
the statue. He believes that the statue recalled to the faithful the 
reciprocal action of the four elements. Legge (Forerunners and Rivals 
of Christianity, II, p. 254) thinks the statue represents Ahriman, who 


I 30 I 

was the second born of the Eternal One, equally pure with Ahura 
Mazda but through jealousy of him was confined to the empire of . 
darkness (v. King, Guostics, p. 30). Yet in the Zend Avesta the angel 
Airyaman seems to be another name for the sun (Haug, Essays on 
the Language and Religion of the Parses* (1907), p. 273). In other 
words, Ahriman behaves very much like Osiris and Dionysos, both 
underworld powers who were identified with the sun. 

Arnobius (4dv. Gentes VI, 10) calls the Mithraic hybrid Frugifer. 
That the statue represents a chthonic god is confirmed by a passage 
in Firmicus Maternus who confuses the monster with Hekate (De 
Errore, V; cf. Cumont, ibid. 1, p. 140, n. 7). The fact that the statue 
sometimes has the feet of a crocodile is very significant showing 
that the god was apparently identified with the Egyptian Sebak, the 
crocodile god. Now this Sebak was both sun-god and Osiris (cf. 
Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians (1897), p. 143). Sebak 
seems to have begun as a fertility-god of the Nile and then like 
other fertility-gods to have developed solar characteristics. He was 
occasionally accounted an evil deity and the crocodiles sacred to 
him were held to be associates of Set in the underworld. The identifi- 
cation of the Mithraic hybrid with an Egyptian god of the character 
of Osiris acquires greater interest in the light of a statement of Hero- 
dotos (VII, 114) that the wife of Xerxes buried alive fourteen young 
Persians for the god beneath the earth (Hades ?). From all these con- 
siderations it seems reasonable to conclude that the Mithraic hybrid 
statue represents a god whose function closely coincided with that 
of Osiris and the chthonic Dionysos, and who, a fertility-god, became 
like them a god of immortality. Such a conclusion brings the statue 
into relation with the all important mystic doctrine of a future life. 

But what is the significance of the strange combination of parts of 
different creatures? The answer to the question is to be sought prob- 
ably in the doctrine of metempsychosis which according to Porphyry 
was taught in the mysteries of Mithra: ddyya...rhv pereu~bxwour 
etvar 6 Kal éudalverr éoixacuy év Tots rou Midpa pvornplots (De Absti- 
nentia, IV, 16; Cumont, Textes et Monuments, II, p. 42). The hybrid 
statue perhaps represents the various transformations which the god 
underwent and which therefore the Mithraic initiate must undergo 


HT 31 k 
in order to attain to eternal blessedness. The statue was carved to 
visualize these various incarnations which correspond to the animal 
forms of Dionysos or the swan-form of Orpheus. 

The first component of the hybrid statue to be considered is the 
lion’s head which must have conveyed the same idea to the mystic 
as the lion’s head that appears in a Mithraic relief from Konjica rep- 
resenting an initiation (Cumont, ibid. I, p. 175, fig. 10). In this 
scene several initiates are shown, one wearing a crow’s head as a 
mask and another a lion’s head. These masked initiates acted out 
their animal disguises, beating their wings if birds and roaring if lions 
(St. Augustine, Cumont, zd7d. II, p. 8). Of the seven degrees of initi- 
ation, the fourth was called that of the lion. It seems hardly possible 
that there should be no relation between this lion and the lion’s head 
of the composite statue, and again between these two and the lion 
which is represented in the Mithraic tauroctony. These lions are all 
one and the same in idea whatever that idea may be. 

It is equally reasonable to regard the wings of the hybrid as bear- 
- ing a similar relationship to the crow which gave its name to the first 
of the degrees of initiation or to the eagle which was a name for the 
seventh. The crow also appears in the tauroctony. And again the 
snake which is coiled round the hybrid must be very close in idea to 
the serpent of the tauroctony and to the snake which under the name 
cryphius was the title of the second of the seven degrees. In other 
words, there must be a consistent interpretation which applies to 
these various animal forms whether they appear in the Mithraic hy- 
brid statues, the reliefs, or among the names of the degrees of initi- 
ation. As the second degree has not previously been called the snake- 
degree a moment should be taken to consider it. The title cryphius 
is a transliteration of the Greek xpiduos, like corax and heliodromus. 
The adjective xpt¢uos is applied to the serpent in Sophokles (PAi/oc. 
1328). The degree was called nyphius by Jerome who apparently 
had the serpent cvep/ in mind. There is confirmation of the interpre- 
tation of cryphius as snake in Lucian (4/ex. 14). Alexander showed the 
people of Abonoteichos a snake which he took from an egg-shell 
and called the twice born Asklepios. Lucian makes a point of the 
fact that this snake was not born from a crow’s egg. Lucian’s sequence 


I 32 
for Asklepios would have been first crow and then snake, which are 
the first two of the Mithraic series of transformations or rebirths.! 

What then is the significance of these animal forms? Porphyry (De 
Abstinentia, IV, 16) after mentioning the fundamental Mithraic doc- 
trine of metempsychosis and the names of lion and crow for the mystic 
says that he who receives the /eontika clothes himself in all sorts of 
animal forms (8 re ra AedvTLKa TaparauBdvwv TepiTiberar TavTodaT as 
f@wr popdas). Porphyry quotes Pallas who in explaining these forms 
gives the common opinion that they refer to the circle of the zodiac 
but then says that they really hint at something about human souls 
which are said to clothe themselves in various bodies. These two ex- 
planations have something in common. 

It is a striking coincidence that the number of Mithraic degrees 
corresponds with the number of spheres through which the soul as- 
cended to heaven. Each initiation was designed to prepare the initi- 
ate for passage through the gate of one of these spheres. Each one of 
the seven passages, each of the seven degrees required a transforma- 
tion, a metempsychosis. The initiations were dramatic rehearsals of 
the transformations which the soul of the deceased Mithraic mystic 
would undergo in passing from one sphere to another until he attained 
eternal peace. Themistios (cf. Farnell, Cu/ts, III, 179) in his treatise 
on the soul says that after death the soul has the same experiences 
as those initiated into the great mysteries. The primitive naive idea 
underlying the initiation was that a rehearsal of the post-mortem 
vicissitudes of the soul would prepare the soul for those vicissitudes. 
The initiated soul would know what to expect and what todo where- 
as the uninitiated would be ignorant of the course to pursue and 
therefore helpless and would wallow for an indefinite period in hot 
mud or meet some other terrible fate. 

The reason for the assumption of animal disguises in the Mithraic 
initiation is to be sought probably in the primitive belief in rebirth 
1An inscription, C. J. Z. VI, 751; Cumont, idid. II, p. 93 No. 9, which reads 
ostenderunt cryphios is taken to mean that the candidates of this degree were 
veiled, but that is not a necessary conclusion (Patterson, Mithraism and Chris- 
tiantty (1921), p. 46). Furthermore coins of Trebizond (Cumont, zézd. IT, p. 190) 


show Mithra Men accompanied by a crow and a serpent. The date of the coins 
iS A.D. 218, 


H 33 K 
through a skin which Moret (Mystéres Egyptiens, p. 55) has said is 


as ancient as the oldest known Egyptian monuments. The idea was 
that an animal slain redeemed the deceased from death. Not all of 
the seven Mithraic transformations were of the animal type. There 
seems to have been a modification of the series of seven theriomorphic 
rebirths such as Pythagoras underwent. Lucian (Vera Historia, B 
21) says that the Samian philosopher had lived in seven animals, 
completed the courses of the soul and had been freed. 

Besides the primitive belief in theriomorphic embodiments there 
was also the doctrine that the planets were the roadway of the souls. 
A variant of this doctrine emerges in the creed of the Ophites: “As 
soon as Jesus was born, the Christ descended through the seven 
planetary regions assuming in each an analogous form. These anal- 
ogous forms are explained by the Ophite Diagramma which figured 
Michael as a lion, Suriel as a bull, Raphael as a serpent, Gabriel as an 
eagle, etc. In this manner the Christ entered into the man Jesus at 
the moment of his baptism” (King, Guostics, pp. 100, 365). Thus 
Christ, by assuming the animal forms of the planetary rulers escaped 
their vigilance and descended to earth. It will be noted that the lion, 
the serpent, and the eagle gave their names to three of the Mithraic 
degrees. 

With the help of this varied evidence it seems reasonable to in- 
terpret the composite Mithraic statue as a representation of deity 
visualizing the transformations which both the god and his wor- 
shipper underwent in attaining the state of eternal blessedness. The 
initiate was to have an experience something like that described in 
the Metamorphoses of Apuleius (XI, 23-24) where Lucius in the course 
of his initiation into the rites of Isis trod the confines of death and the 
threshold of Persephone, was swept round all the elements and re- 
turned, saw the gods of heaven and hell face to face and adored 
them. After his initiation he put ona cloak remarkable for the animals 
painted in many colors upon it. Did not these animal forms allude in 
some way to the animal metempsychoses which played so great a 
part in antique mystic thought? May not this garment which was 
called the Olympic garment have been the cloak of Isis? Isis and 
Demeter were two aspects of the same deity as Foucart has shown. 


34 i 


A vase-painting of Hiero (Baumeister, Denkmdiler, III, p. 1857 jig. 
1958) shows Demeter wearing a garment decorated with birds, dol- . 
phins and winged human figures. The latter which are placed near 
dolphins are perhaps mystic in character, the souls of the dead speed- 
ing over the sea. Hiero probably took as his model a hieratic gar- 
ment of the goddess. If such a garment was traditional for Demeter, 
her Egyptian counterpart Isis may also have worn it and in mystic 
rites have put it on her devotees. 

That the head of the composite statue should be a lion’s 1s indica- 
tive of the importance of the “lion” among the degrees. The import- 
ance of the lion is further shown by the fact that it was chosen to 
represent the deceased in sepulchral sculpture. A sarcophagus from 
Isauria surmounted by a lion bears the inscription [6 de?va] far Kat 
dpovar avéinxev éavtov déovra. Rohde (Psyche (1894), p- 679) believes 
that the lion of the inscription like the eagle in another represents 
the deceased under the animal forms which they received in the mys- 
teries in the fourth and seventh degrees. But Rohde’s view has not 
been generally accepted. Cumont (Textes et Monuments, II, p. 173) is 
doubtful and Graillot (Culte de Cybéle, p. 402) says the lion of the in- 
scription has nothing to do with the mysteries of Mithra (cf. Dieter- 
ich, Bonner Fahrbicher, CVIII, p. 37). An interesting gem described 
by King (Gnostics, p. 299) seems to be of Mithraic character. A lion- 
headed man girt with serpents and holding torch, sword and crown 
of victory, soars aloft from the back of a lion beneath which lies a 
corpse. This gem perhaps embodies in miniature the idea of the 
Mithraic hybrid statue. 

It is obvious from the discussion of the fourth degree that the 
name /eo was the most conspicuous of the seven which were given 
initiates. This raises an interesting question as to the origin of the 
proper name Leo which has been borne by a number of popes. The 
first Pope Leo ascended the papal throne in 440. He must have been 
born in the last quarter of the fourth century probably in Rome and 
at a time when Mithraism was still alive. His name was not an estab- 
lished Latin name. Tertullian (4dv. Marc. 1, 13) mentions /eones 
Mithraewhowere priests of Mithras. It is a reasonable conjecture that 
this name Leo is the important /eo of the fourth Mithraic degree 


H 35 i 


that the name, like the words mitra and missa (v.infra,pp.150~-7) are 
appropriations from the terminology of the Persian cult. The first 
Pope Leo may have belonged to a family converted from Mithraism. 

The combination in one statue of successive transformations is 
not without parallel in antique art. The Attic vase-paintings offer 
several examples of the various forms which Thetis assumed in her 
struggle with Peleus. The paintings do not always represent the same 
metamorphoses of Thetis, nor in the Mithraic hybrid statues are the 
same animal forms always present. The hybrid statue holds two keys. 
A curse-inscription found in Kypros (P. S. B. 4. 1891, p. 177) invokes 
the lord of hell as the god who is set over the gate of hell and the 
keys (bars?) of heaven. (Toy él rod rvAGvos rod “Adovs Ke TOV xAHOpwr 
Tod ovpavod teraypévor, Cf. Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christi- 
anity, II, p. 254, n. 4.) These Mithraic keys are keys to heaven and 
certainly help to determine the bearer as god and mystic with power 
to pass the gates into eternal blessedness. At some time during the 
ceremonies the initiate may have received and held the all essential 
keys. They were passed on to St. Peter, for he also holds two keys. 

The thunderbolt is sometimes held by the hybrid form close to 
the chest. Its significance may be gleaned from the Orphic gold 
tablets in which the soul of the deceased initiate says to the under- 
world powers that he has been overcome by lightning. Zeus Bronton 
is frequently mentioned in Phrygian sepulchral inscriptions (Ram- 
Say, 7+. 8. V(1884), p. 256). In one (C. J. £. VI, 733; Cumont, 
ibid. II, p. 104) a priest of Zeus Bronton and Hekate dedicated a cave 
to the unconquered sun-god Mithras. The thunderbolt had an im- 
portant bearing upon the future life and was quite logically present 
in a cult-image which aimed to visualize the necessary requirements 
for attaining that life. The thunderbolt is held close to the chest, 
a position which perhaps becomes significant in the light of the Pla- 
tonic story of Er that those who were judged good bore upon their 
breast (év 76 rpdo6ev) the sign of their judgment. Perhaps the Orphic 
initiate bore a thunderbolt upon his breast as proof that he had been 
overcome by it like Orpheus the founder of his cult. Cumont (zdzd. II, 
p. 188, fig. 9) reproduces a head of a statue of Mithras on which is a 
Phrygian cap decorated with a band of thunderbolts. 


I 36 i 

The curious position of the hybrid statue in the Mithraeum has 
already been noticed. It was sealed up in a niche where it was visible » 
through a small hole. One is reminded of the serdab of the Egyptian 
tomb in which the statue of the deceased was walled up and visible 
only through a narrow slit. The same reason may explain both. The 
narrow opening gave access to another world, the abode of the de- 
parted. To reach this the Mithraic mystic had to undergo transfor- 
mations and carry keys as well as thunderbolt. In this he was but 
sharing the experiences of his god. 

Of equal importance with the hybrid statue was the Mithraic re- 
lief of the tauroctony. As an illustration, the relief found at Hed: 
dernheim may be taken (fig. 7; Cumont, zdzd. II, pl. VII, p. 364). 
Mithras is seen slaying the bull. A dog leaps to lap the streaming 
blood while a serpent rises toward a krater to drink. A lion stands 
near the krater. It is Cumont’s theory that these animals are engaged 
in a struggle which symbolizes the strife of the elements. The lion is 
the symbol of fire, the snake of earth, and the krater of water. A 
passage in Porphyry (De Antro Nympharum, 17) is Cumont’s prin- 
cipal evidence for the interpretation of the krater as a symbol of 
water. Porphyry’s words are rapa 7 Midpa 6 Kpatyp avtl rhs mnyAs 
réraxrat from which Cumont infers that a krater of water was sub- 
stituted for a spring in the Mithraic rite. 

A criticism of Cumont’s interpretation is that it does not associate 
the group of the lion and the snake about the krater with the group 
of Mithras and the slain bull which occupy most of the relief (Textes 
et Monuments, I, p. 100). But there must be some connection because 
the snake which in one relief rises toward the krater appears in an- 
other relief drinking the blood which gushes from the stricken bull. 
Further, the fact that either the snake or the lion is missing from 
other reliefs of the tauroctony would force the conclusion that the 
same elements were not always at war. Cumont further concedes 
that nowhere in Persian literature is there any allusion to a struggle 
of the elements symbolized by the group of the krater, lion, and ser- 
pent, but cites references in the church fathers to the Persian wor- 
ship of the elements (ddid. I, p. 107). 

A different interpretation is given by A. L. Frothingham (4. 7. 4. 





7. A Mithraic Relief from H eddernheim: The Slaying of the Divine Bull 
by Mithras 


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1 37 k 


1918, p. 59) who very logically associates the contents of the krater 
with the sacrifice of the bull. If in one series of reliefs the snake 
drinks the blood of the bull at the wound, it is reasonable to believe 
that in the other series of reliefs in which the snake rises to drink 
from the krater—that the snake is again about to drink the blood of 
the bull. The remarkable Mithraic relief from Syria which Froth- 
ingham publishes (zdzd. pl. IIT) shows that the snake sometimes re- 
ceived the seed of the bull at its source and this motif warrants the 
theory that the krater was sometimes so placed as to receive the seed. 
Blood and seed were both regarded as sources of recurring life. Por- 
phyry (De Antro Nympharum, 10) says that souls in generation delight 
in blood and humid seed. The significance of the snake is given by 
Frothingham as the “receptivity of the earth preparatory to rebirth, 
chthonic force potential with future life.” But did the scene have 
only such general significance or was it capable also of some applica- 
tion to the individual mystic and his spiritual needs? As the mystic 
stood in the Mithraeum and looked at the scene of the tauroctony 
- what impressions did he receive, what emotions were quickened? It 
may be that the position of the relief in the sanctuary gives the 
answer to these questions. It stood at the end of the sanctuary facing 
the entrance (Cumont, ibid. I, p. 63) where later in the Christian 
church was the memorial of another sacrifice. The transfixion of the 
divine bull was superseded by the crucifixion of the Divine Son. The 
blood of both sacrifices contained the promise of immortality, the 
papuaxov Tys dBavacias. 

The snake and krater of the Mithraic relief suggest at once the 
snake and kantharos of the Spartan relief. In both cases the snake 
rises to drink from a wine-vessel. The Mithraic snake rises to drink 
the blood of the divine bull; the Spartan snake rises to drink the 
wine of Dionysos. The similarity is even closer. According to the 
Bundahish (Cumont, idid. I, p. 197, n. 1) the vine had sprung from 
the blood of the divine bull. Therefore the juice of the grape con- 
tained the blood of that bull. But Dionysos was also a bull-god 
(ravpduopdos) and too a vine (Athenagoras, Presbeia, XXII C) so that 
the juice of the grape could likewise be called blood of the bull-god. 
Hence it comes about that the contents of the Mithraic krater and 
the Dionysiac kantharos were essentially the same. 


I 38 k 


But what is the meaning of the snake and the lion which appear 
so often in the tauroctony? Are they anything more than symbols of - 
elements? That the lion could be a symbol of heat is perfectly clear 
from the antique passages which Cumont has assembled (zéid. I, p. 
102). That this conception of the lion played a part in the Mithraic 
initiation is also clear from a statement by Porphyry (De Antro 
Nympharum, 15) that honey was used to purify those initiated into 
the /eontika instead of water because water was hostile to fire. This 
must mean that the mystic who took the degree of lion, becamea lion, 
acquired the lion’s cosmic associations with fire and could even be 
identified with the zodiacal sign of the lion. For souls could become: 
stars. When Trygaios returned from his journey to Zeus he was asked 
by his servant whether it was true that souls became stars (Paw., 83 33 : 
cf. Welcker, Kleine Schriften, I, p. 519). 

There is no difficulty then in the way of interpreting the lion of 
the Mithraic relief as an incarnation of the soul. The dog and the 
snake which reach for the regenerating blood may be interpreted in 
the same way. They were listed among the Orphic animal metem- 
psychoses (p. 8). The snake would then acquire the same signifi- 
cance as the snake and the lion of the hybrid statue and be the exact 
counterpart of the soul-snake of the Spartan ste/ai. The sculpture of 
the Mithraeum then had as its real import the vicissitudes of the 
soul and the guarantees of its salvation. Its message was immortality, 
a fundamental tenet which gained so many converts to the uncon- 
quered sun-god among the practical Roman soldiery. The dominant 
idea of the cult was the dominant idea of its sculpture. The hybrid 
statue may have been called Boundless Time—a good name for an 
eternal being which alone is independent of the bounds of time—and 
equally good for the mystic who after death was promised identifica- 
tion with deity. 


Vil 


A MITHRAIC ALLUSION IN THE WASPS OF 
ARISTOPHANES 


MirnraisM as a cult enjoyed no vogue in Greece both because of 
the hostility of the Greek to things Persian and because Greece had 
its own mystic religions. But the Persian and his creed did not escape 
the comic poet. Miss Harrison has remarked that “Socrates in his 
basket contemplating 74 yeréwpa is not only the fantastic philosopher, 
he is the pilloried Persian” (Themis, p. 461). There is a passage in the 
Wasps of Aristophanes which has a decided Persian character and 
which should be considered in the light of the previous chapter on 
Mithraic sculpture. In the opening scene of the play Xanthias says 
to Sosias that a certain Median nodding slumber made an expedition 
against his eyes in the course of which he saw a marvellous vision. 
~ Sosias replies that he also had a vision, that he saw an assembly of 
sheep and Theoros with the head of a crow. As this dream occurred 
during slumber sent by Sabazios in a passage of distinctly Median 
connotation, it is tempting to regard the crow’s head of Theoros as a 
direct hit at the Mithraic initiation, the first degree of which was the 
crow. Theoros with crow’s head recalls the Konjica relief in which 
one of the initiates is seen wearing a crow’s head mask (Cumont, 
Textes et Monuments, 1, p. 175). The name Theoros itself suits admir- 
ably such a situation, being a good name for a mystic spectator. 
Hesychios defines Sewpoi as érérr at and érémrrns was the regular name 
for a mystic who beheld what the iepodavrns revealed in the Eleusin- 
ian rites. To the Athenian audience Theoros must have seemed an 
éréarns of the crow-degree. 

There is perhaps still another allusion of the same sort in the pas- 
sage. Xanthias (v.15) sawin his dream an eagle swoop down into the 
agora, seize an doris and fly away to heaven. The word ao7is means 
both ‘shield’ and ‘snake.’ The snake was really the second Mithraic 
degree under the title of xpidios, and the eagle was the seventh. Thus 
in this account of Median dreams there are mentioned two birds and 


I 40 k 
a snake which gave their names to three of the degrees of the Mithraic 
initiation. The initiates into the first three of these degrees were ap- - 
parently servants. Porphyry (De Abstinentia, IV, 16) says the servants 
in the Mithraic mysteries were called crows, and coins of Trebizond 
of the third century show Mithra-Men accompanied by the crow and 
the snake (Cumont, iid. I, p. 317; I, p. 190). There was then a cer- 
tain appropriateness in representing the two servants Xanthias and 
Sosias as seeing in their Persiandreams two servantsof the Persian god. 








8. Transenna of the Sixth Century after Christ in S. Apollinare, Ravenna: 
A Chalice like a Mithraic Krater with Cross superposed 


PLATE Viti 


Vil 


THE CONTINUITY OF PAGAN AND CHRISTIAN 
EUCHARISTIC SYMBOLISM 


SUGGESTIVE similarities of pagan to Christian thought with refer- 
ence to immortality for which as a prerequisite both systems pre- 
scribed the drinking of the wine-blood of deity, naturally prompt the 
question whether the continuity of pagan and Christian eucharistic 
thought was accompanied by a continuity of pagan and Christian 
eucharistic symbolism. The question must be answered in the affir- 
mative. 

The krater of the Mithraic tauroctony (Cumont, Textes et Monu- 
ments, II, p. 230, fag. 61) 1s strikingly similar in form to the repre- 
sentation of a chalice in Ravenna (fig. 8; Venturi, Storia dell Arte 
Italiana, I, p. 222, fig. 210; cf. Rohault de Fleury, La Messe, IV, pl., 
- p. 50). Even the handles are identical and attached in the same way. 
The prototype of both was obviously metal. The Mithraic krater held 
the blood of the divine bull from which blood the vine sprang. The 
Christian chalice in question unlike the Mithraic krater is represented 
with thevine and grapes springing from it. The addition of the cross 
above the cup reconsecrates it to Christian use. 

The symbol is found also on Roman cinerary urns and sepulchral 
altars. An example in the Lateran Museum (Altmann, Die Rémischen 
Grabaltare der Kaiserzeit, p. 124) has the ivy (Dionysiac) springing 
symmetrically froma vase with vertical handles. The sepulchral altar 
of M. Antonius Januarius (Altmann, zd7d., p.214) bears upon one side 
a vase from which springs the ivy and upon the othera vine. A similar 
vase is found alsoin Etruscan art in a relief on a large urn of the third 
century B.c. (Martha, L’ Art Etrusque, p. 345, fig. 238). A hind is 
trying to reach the cup held by a Dionysiac figure. This motif sur- 
vives in Christian art where the animal drinks from the cup of life. 
An example is illustrated in Leclercq, Manuel D’ Archéologie Chré- 
tienne, II, 310, fig. 243). Thus the cup of immortality coming from 
the east appeared both in Etruscan and Roman belief and art. The 


42 K 

same cup in idea had found its way into the relief of the Spartan 
stelai where the snake strives to drink from it. This scene may ex- 
plain the serpentine handles of the glass kantharos at Amiens (De- 
ville, Verrerie dans l Antiquité, p\. 61). The snake that rises to drink 
from the cup has been substituted for the handle of the cup, a new 
version of the old motive of those Dipylon vases which have a snake 
painted or moulded upon the handle as if rising to drink from the 
vase. 

The krater or kantharos and the pomegranate were two important 
symbols. The Lydian sepulchral symbol of a dove perched on a pome- 
granate is the counterpart of the Christian sepulchral symbol of a. 
dove or doves perched upon the chalice. Several examples of the 
pierre Romaine are collected by Rohault de Fleury (La Messe, IV, 
ppl. 270ff). The birds perched on these sepulchral chalices are “a 
symbol of the souls which quench their thirst in the felicity of eternal 
life” (Dictionnaire ad’ Archéologie Chrétienne, s.v. calice, p. 1613). The 
soul-dove and the krafer correspond very closely to the soul-snake 
and the kantharos of the Spartan steai. 

That the cup with the soul-birds perched upon it, the zorjpior 
uvoTnpiwy, was not regarded as a distinctive Christian symbol is 
proved by the addition of the cross. The early chalices of the sarco- 
phagi of the third and fourth centuries are succeeded by a new type 
in the sixth century, the chalice with the cross superposed. The pagan 
soul-doves perched on the handles of the cup remain but above them 
on the cross appear their Christian counterparts. The addition of the 
cross is the plastic answer to St. Augustine’s question: Qui est vas vitae, 
nisi Christus? (cf.Rohault de Fleury, iid. p. 50.) Dieterich (Nekyia, p. 
230) citing an Orphic relief which had been made over to Christian 
use by the addition of a cross makes the significant remark: “So 
wenig war ein Gegensatz des Orphischen und Christlichen Kultes vor- 
handen.” 

It may seem strange at first sight that the name of the sacred cup 
in Italy should be derived from the latin calix, the xiv or common 
wine-cup of the Greeks, because the form of the chalice never re- 
sembled the Greek ky/ix. The latter is a low shallow cup with hori- 
zontal handles, while the chalice is a tall cup with vertical handles 


1 43 K 

if it has any handles at all (Dictionnaire d Archéologie Chrétienne, II, 
s. v. calice. figs. 1867 fF). It is quite possible that the Latin calix was 
a name applied to a krater of calix-form or calix-krater. In this way the 
Christian chalice in both form and name would be a distinct de- 
scendant from the Mithraic or Dionysiac krater. The other name for 
chalice, ‘grail,’ 1s likewise derived from kraéer through its Latin diminu- 
tive cratella. The importance in mystic cult of the krater is shown not 
only by its frequent appearance in scenes of the tauroctony and by 
Porphyry’s mention of it in connection with the Mithraic cave but 
also by the fact that a poem entitled Kparjp was attributed toOrpheus 
(Abel, Orphica, no. 160). The cup of Dionysosisregularly the kantharos 
but he sometimes holds the krater with volute handles as in an archaic 
terracotta from Locri (British Museum Catalogue of Terracottas, pl. 
XXII, p. 153, no. 485). Those who believe that the cratella and its 
spiritual content have passed from pagan to Christian lip will not find 
it strange that the cup known as the cup of the Ptolemies should have 
been converted about the ninth century into the chalice of St. Denys 
- (Babelon, Cabinet des Medailles, pl. 45). The Dionysiac decoration 
of this cup includes a satyr-head in a vine, a silenus-head and a 
comic mask. The cup of Dionysos the vine, has become the cup of 
Christ, the True Vine. The éuBpoctas xparhp of Sappho (Athen. II, 
39 A) contained a ¢dppaxov &0avacias. 

The next large question naturally follows. If the pagan cup was 
reconsecrated to Christian use what became of the equally important 
pomegranate, the symbol of rebirth? Did it disappear or has it sur- 
vived in Christian symbolism? To answer this question it is neces- 
sary to turn again to the Phrygian sepulchral stele (B. C. H. 1909, p. 
296, fig. 22). This is a pagan monument because Kerberos and 
Herakles appear among the representations. A dove which has already 
been discussed stands on a conventionalized pomegranate which is 
crossed by two incised lines intended perhaps to represent the fur- 
rows in the fruit. It was the Lydian terracotta dove of the sixth cen- 
tury which, perched upon a realistic pomegranate, gave the clew to 
the conventionalized pomegranate of the stele. Now in the Konjica 
relief (Cumont, Textes et Monuments, 1, p. 175) the same round ob- 
jects with the same incised cross-lines lie on a table in a scene which 


1 44k 


is a Mithraic banquet that attended mystic initiation. Cumont has 
described the round objects as bread. The same objects with cross- . 
lines are found again in the art of the catacombs (Rohault de Fleury, 
La Messe, IV, pl. 276). They fill a basket which resembles that set 
between the heads of the figures of the deceased on one of the Phry- 
gian reliefs (B. C. H. 1909, p. 293) and again the basket which con- . 
tains pomegranates in the sepulchral painting at Cumae. In Egypt 
the dove is found in the same company. A piece of linen from a grave 
in the early Christian necropolis at Achmim (R. Forrer, Die Friih- 
christlichen Alterthiimer aus d. Graberfelde von Achmim—Panopolis, 
pl. XV, 8) which is dated in the fifth or sixth century has a design of. 
a blue dove and red round objects with white cross-lines. Forrer in- 
terprets the latter as consecrated bread. 

Since these round objects with cross-lines incised at right angles 
are a characteristic feature of sepulchral art, though in widely sep- 
arated regions, it is natural to regard them as one and the same 
thing. The Romans without hesitation would have called them 
quadrati, a term applied to bread with incisions (Athenaios III, 
114E), but in the Phrygian ste/e the object on which the dove is perch- 
ed is just as certainly a pomegranate. What appears to be a diffi- 
culty is no difficulty at all. From the pomegranate of the pagan 
eucharist to the bread of the Christian eucharist the transition is 
easily effected through the seed-cake. The seeds of the pomegranate 
were the important part of the fruit. It was of the seeds of the pome- 
granate that Persephone ate which committed her to the other world. 
An inscription found at Mistra (C. I. G. 1464) prescribes as an offer- 
ing to the Eleusinian Demeter bread made of sesame (prov 614 
gaauwv). Analogy would prescribe bread made of pomegranate-seed 
as an offering to Persephone. Such bread with seed was a transitional 
sacrament between the simple fruit with abundant seed and the plain 
bread. That the bread of the pagan eucharist was originally seed- 
bread is made probable by the two meanings of the word @apynXos. 
According to a writer quoted in Athenaios (III, 114A) this word 
meant the first loaf of bread made from the harvest; according to 
Hesychios (s. v.) the word meant a pot of seeds (Oapyndos xbTpa éoriv 
avardews orepnatwy). These two meanings are at bottom one and the 


145 kK 


same. The seed which is the basic element in the definition of Hesy- 
chios was made over into a loaf and this seed or loaf was so sacred 
and important as to give its name to the festival Thargelia and to the 
month of harvest rites, Thargelion. Vanicek’s derivation of @4pyndos 
from *r apy, *rpuy, a root appearing in tpvy daw would lead one toexpect 
a connection between the Thargelia and the Dionysia which Corn- 
ford has discussed (Origin of Attic Comedy, p. 54). When Athenaios 
says that the @apynos was also called @adtovos, the sacred bread has 
become the loaf of Demeter and Dionysos because the festival Thaly- 
sia was held in their honor. So it is a reasonable theory that the 
sacramental pomegranate or the sacramental seed-bread passed by 
an easy transition into the sacramental bread. Yet the pomegranate 
survives in Christian art. Florentine paintings of the fifteenth cen- 
tury (e. g. Louvre, no. 1345) represent the Virgin and child holding a 
pomegranate, the red seeds of which are sometimes clearly shown. 
Here the pomegranate is the counterpart of the cluster of grapes 
which the French peasant ties to the hand of the statue of the Christ 
‘child. It would seem as if Persephone had contributed the pome- 
granate and Dionysos the grapes. 

The seed-cake or bread was naturally eaten in a marriage-rite Just 
as the pomegranate is eaten in Crete today by the peasant bride as 
she enters her new home for the first time. It was given in marriage 
for birth, it was given in death for rebirth and perhaps in this primi- 
tive rite lies the origin of the corresponding sacraments of the church 
today. In the Peace of Aristophanes (v. 869) the servant announces 
that the seed-cake for the bride Opora is ready (ono ayj tum arrerat). 
The scholiast on the passage remarks that a cake made from sesame 
was called a marriage-cake (rd akots yaurxds). Clement of Alexandria 
(Protrep. II, 22) tells us that sesame and pomegranate were used in 
the mysteries. The pomegranate still survives in connection with 
rites for the dead as it does in rites for the bride. At certain festivals 
today among the Greeks, the relatives of the dead give friends cakes 
called «6\AvBa which are made of pomegranate-seeds and fruit (cf. 
P. Gardner, 7. H. S. 1884, p. 109). 

The connection of the pagan eucharist with resurrection is per- 
haps to be observed in certain names for bread which Athenaios has 


H 46 

preserved (III, 114). There was a bread called etnites which was also 
known as /ekithites which was made of yolk of egg and pulse (érvirar - 
5€ dnote &prov etvar AeKiOirny). The name dexibirns gives the bread a 
sepulchral character because of its obvious connection with Ajnvbos, 
the vase which was painted for the dead, and this is confirmed by the 
other name érvirns which is suspiciously like the Cabiro-Dionysiac 
name Airvatos. 

The question why bread should have become the substance of the 
eucharist is closely bound up with the question as to the character of 
the pagan gods of immortality. They were fertility-gods and solargods, 
or fertility-gods that became solar gods. A successful fertility-god 
was required sooner or later to be a solar god. These fertility-gods 
must have become gods of immortality for human life because they 
were the gods of immortality for plant-life, resurrecting that life every 
year about Easter time. In fact they were themselves this very plant- 
life annually resurrected and hence those who partook of these reviv- 
ing plant-gods had within them the seeds of resurrection and another 
life. Grain and grape as the most important of the plant-forms logic- 
ally tended to make the deified grain and grape the most important 
of the fertility-gods. To partake ritualistically of both was to incor- 
porate deity within one’s self and to share the resurrection and im- 
mortality of that deity. Hence it came about in a later age that St. 
Ignatius could call the eucharist an antidote against death and the 
drug of immortality (ddppaxov &0avactas, avridoros rod yw) drobavetr, 
Migne, P. G. V, 661; cf. Antiphanes in Kock, Com. Att. Frag. I, p. 
46) and St. Irenaeus could speak of it as the hope of resurrection for 
eternity (4 édals THs els aiGvas dvacrdcews) and that in St. John VI, 54, 
it should be written “whoso eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood 
hath eternal life and I will raise him up at the last day.” The grave 
stele of Lyseas (Ant. Denk. III, pls. 32-33) who holds in one hand a 
cluster of wheat-stalks and in the other a kantharos, might well be 
inscribed with the words of St. Jerome (Migne, P. L. XXIV, 631). 
“This is the wheat and this the wine of which none shall eat save 
those who praise the Lord and none shall drink except in his holy 
courts.” Slight wonder that the kantharos, symbol of immortality, 
appears alone in Boeotian grave stelai (’Ed. ’Apx. 1920, p. 30). 


1 47 K 
The pagan sunset preceded the Christian dawn. The Old Testa- 


ment of Greek mysticism is of inevitable importance in the exegesis 
of the New Testament and proves the continuity of human thought, 
human feeling and human craving. 





#4) nh te t ay Aye 
» i 7 r a 4 ‘ , , Ht i Wy ' , i 
i : 4 MASS ' : f ait i ia shee 





IX 
THE KANTHAROS IN THE PEACE OF ARISTOPHANES! 


A.tHoucu the Peace of Aristophanes was nominally inspired by the 
conclusion in 421 B.c. of hostilities between the Athenians and the 
Spartans, still the references to the vicissitudes of war and the bless- 
ings of peace are interwoven with elements of religious satire. Corn- 
ford (Origin of Attic Comedy, p. 96) has called attention to the fact 
that the first half of the Peace is modelled on the ritual anodos of the 
earth-goddess. One is prepared to expect such satire from Aristo- 
phanes because he did not share the growing toleration of foreign 
gods. Cicero (Legg. II, 15) makes this clear: Novos vero deos et in his 
colendis nocturnas pervigilationes sic Aristophanes facetissimus poeta 
veteris comoediae vexat ut apud eum Sabazius et quidam alii dei pere- 
grini judicati e civitate ejiciantur. It was not so much the peaceful 
Dionysos of the Eleusinian cult whom the poet had in mind as the 
mad god of the north. He could make such attack and still be a mys- 
tic like Plato whose jibe at the Orphics did not preclude an Orphic 
coloring in his doctrine. The coarser elements of mysticism revolted 
both comic poet and philosopher. 

In a previous chapter, the study of the Spartan s¢e/ai led to the 
conclusion that the pomegranate of Persephone and the kantharos, 
_ the wine-cup of Dionysos, were symbols of rebirth and immortality 
in Lakonia. For three centuries the kantharos persisted in the Spartan 
reliefs while it is conspicuously absent from the Athenian, a rare 
exception being the ste/e of Lyseas. Now in the following pages the 
theory will be developed that the word xav@apos in the Peace of 
Aristophanes is one of several thinly veiled allusions in the comedy to 
this Spartan mystic symbolism; that the beetle (x40 apos) of Trygaios 
whose name is obviously Dionysiac, readily suggested to the Athenian 
audience the beetle-cup (x4v@apos) of Dionysos and that this sug- 


1] am greatly indebted to Professor Edward Capps of Princeton University for 
reading this chapter and giving me the benefit of very wholesome criticism 


1 5° i 

gestion was the more natural in a comedy commemorating the con- 
clusion of war with the Spartans who so consistently used the beetle-- 
cup as symbol. Euripides in his Helena had in mind the Laconian 
cult of Helena and the Dioskouroi (v. 1666 f). Long ago Lenormant 
apropos of an identification of Zeus and the beetle in verses of Pam- 
phos said that the role assigned the beetle in the Peace was prompted 
by some motive other than mirth (dun. d. Inst. 1832, p. 318). 

Early in the play (v. 39) the curious question arises: “To whom 
does the beetle belong?” The statement that it is not Aphrodite’s 
nor the Graces’ leads to the blunt question “Whose is it?” for as the 
eagle is an attribute of Zeus and the owl of Athena, so the beetle must 
be sacred to some deity. The answer (v. 42) is that it belongs to Zeus 
who descends in lightning. Meineke’s reading Avds cxarasBdrov brings 
out clearly an excellent pun, perceived by the scholiast, which might 
have been made, however, by a simple slurring of the two words. 
With the question about the beetle, the poet is not content but again 
draws attention to the animal with an air of mystery when in v. 43 
the first servant suggests that some youthful wiseacre in the audience 
might perhaps ask what the kantharos is for (6 6¢ rpayua Ti; 6 Kav- 
Qapos mpds ré3). Then an Ionian in the audience is quoted as believ- 
ing that the kantharos is an uncomplimentary reference to Kleon. 
But the second servant who now leaves the stage suggests another 
meaning of the word in v. 49: 


’ ~ a 
GAN elotay TH KavOdpw dwow TeEtv. 


Heretheverb rretv following closely upon «av dpwsuggests thecommon 
meaning of the latter word ‘cup.’ With this verse should perhaps be 
compareda fragment of Kratinos (Meineke, Frag. Com. Graec.I, p. 69, 
no. 111) which orders someone to go within and drink and have ces- 
sation from ill. 

GAN elo? elow Kal rw0d- 

oa xvdov avatatvov KaKkov 
Kratinos may be alluding here to mystic drinking, for the Orphic 


phrases dvarvedoar xaxdrnros and pén aldvios come at once to mind. 
The insistence upon the word x4v@apos in a comedy dealing directly 


St 
with the Spartans must certainly have been suggestive to an Athenian 
acquainted with Spartan symbolism, just as was the Laconian dialect 
which the poet employs in v. 214 (val ra ow). 

A few verses later (54) the second servant announces that his 
master is suffering from a new madness. The verb used, paiverar, is 
of distinctly Bacchic connotation and occurs early in the Homeric 
epithet warrduevos. Herodotos (IV, 79) gives madness as the special 
characteristic of the Thracian Dionysos. The name of the mad master 
is Trygaios, which is sufficiently Dionysiac. It is built upon rpbyn 
‘vintage’ like the name Iporpty ava of the Attic festival at which Dio- 
nysos and Poseidon were honored together (Hesychios, s.v.). Ipo- 
tpvy aos was also an appellative of Dionysos (Aelian, Var. Hist. III, 
41). So Trygaios would conform to the requirements of Cornford’s 
theory that originally the protagonist in comedy must have been the 
spirit of fertility himself, Phales or Dionysos—a theory which would 
account for the phallus worn by the protagonist. 

The madness of Trygaios is described by the servant. For days 
' Trygaios stands looking up to heaven gaping and reviling Zeus 
(56-7). Here the word xexnvws although of frequent occurrence in 
Aristophanes seems significant. It was a curious epithet of Dionysos 
in the island of Samos and probably in Samothrace which was col- 
onized from Samos. Trygaios subsequently (v. 276) speaks of the 
Samothracian mysteries. The word xexnvas describes Trygaios in 
terms of the Samian or Samothracian Dionysos and was certainly 
appreciated by the Ionian mentioned in verse 46. It is important to 
ascertain whether the Samian Dionysos gaped at Zeus and reviled 
him like Trygaios. It is clear from Herodotos (IV, 95) that the Samian 
Dionysos was transplanted to Thrace as Salmoxis. Now Herodotos 
tells us that the devotees of the Thracian Salmoxis in time of thunder 
and lightning let fly their arrows toward heaven and threatened Zeus 
(7@ 6e$), thinking there was no other god but their own. Herodotos 
does not give a reason for this remarkable performance but the 
threatening attitude of these devotees of Salmoxis is best explained 
on the assumption that Salmoxis himself had threatened Zeus. This 
explanation is confirmed by the Thessalian counterpart of Salmoxis, 
Salmoneus who defied Zeus, mimicked his thunder and was finally 


1 52 kK 

laid low by a thunderbolt. Salmoneus is represented on an Attic red- 
figure vase (Class. Rev. 1903, p. 276; cf. Harrison, Themis, pp. 80, - 
223) as looking up to heaven and about to hurl a thunderbolt. The 
madness of Trygaios very appropriately reminded Cornford of the 
madness of Salmoneus. Salmoxis and Salmoneus were hypostases of 
Dionysos xexnves and rivals of Zeus. Their character was distinctly 
chthonic. Herakles threatens Zeus in the Birds (1671) and gapes up- 
ward but Herakles has strong underworld connections and points of 
contact with Dionysos even to the extent of holding the kantharos. 
It would seem as if the threatening of Zeus by Trygaios and his 
divine congeners might be of Egyptian provenience because the 
Egyptians sometimes dared to threaten their gods (cf. Cumont, Les 
Religions Orientales, p. 140). The Greek mystic religions were under 
obligation to Egypt, and the cult of Salmoxis was distinctly mystic. 

The conclusion then seems warranted that the gaping resentment 
of the Samian Dionysos, like the gaping resentment of Trygaios, was 
directed toward Zeus, and that the Ionians in the audience and many 
of the Athenians set down the equation: 


Tpvyatos xexnvws = Arovucos Kexnvus. 


The Dionysiac character of this passage is continued two verses 
later (v. 59) in plays upon the name of Kore, the consort of Dionysos. 
Twice in the verse one can pick out her name Képy—a pun which is 
found also in the Anthology (4nthol. Pal. V1, no. 280). Trygaios is 
quoted by the servant as exclaiming to Zeus: 


katabov TO Kdpnuat ph KKoper Thy ‘EANASa. 


This allusion to Persephone under the name of Kore seems to be con- 
tinued four verses later in the curious verb éxxoxkioas. Trygaios cries 
to Zeus: 


G) ZED eke 


ANTES TEAUTOV TAS TOAELS EKKOKKiOaS. 


The participle éxxoxktoas is built upon the word xéxxos, the name regu- 
larly given to the seed of the pomegranate (Hymn. ad. Cer. 373, 412; 
Herod. IV, 143; Pollux, VI, 80, where the Aristophanic koxxioat 


H 53 i 


povay is said to be taken from Aischylos). Clement of Alexandria 
(Protrep. II, 19) records the belief that drops of the blood of Dionysos 
fell upon the ground as seed and produced the pomegranate. The 
verb éxxoxxifery means primarily ‘to take out the seed’ and may also 
have had the special meaning of taking out the seed of the pome- 
granate. T'rygaios may have been given the word in further play 
upon the great attribute of Kore, the pomegranate which like the 
kantharos \s conspicuous in the Spartan grave ste/az. The phrases’ kxdpec 
thy EdNGbaand rds wodes exxoxxio as follow immediately the Dionysiac 
allusions in patverarand xexnves thus confirming the Dionysiac asso- 
ciations of Trygaios. 

Farther on in v. 127, Trygaios is asked by his daughters why he 
mounts to the gods on a beetle and replies that according to the 
fables of Aesop the beetle is the only winged creature that ever 
reached the gods and that the beetle went once in hatred of the eagle 
and rolled out the eagle’s eggs. This story which clearly reflects the 
rival cults of the eagle and the beetle is probably Egyptian in origin. 

The Pyramid texts tell how the deceased pharaoh may make the 
ascent to the sky (Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in 
Ancient Egypt, pp. 109-111). The pharaoh flutters as a beetle. The 
Egyptian beetle-god was a sun-god. Dionysos was identified by the 
Orphics with the sun (Macrobius, Sat. 1, 18, 11). It may be that 
Aristophanes in choosing a beetle for the Dionysiac Trygaios is allud- 
ing to Dionysos who displaced Zeus in the Orphic system. This dis- 
placement or identification has an Egyptian parallel. Osiris, the god 
of the lower world and the anciently accepted counterpart of the 
Greek Dionysos was placed upon the throne of Re-Atum the sun- 
god. Fertility-gods logically tend to become solar gods. When in the 
Peace the Dionysiac Trygaios arrives at the abode of Zeus he finds 
that the gods have departed the day before, ostensibly to establish 
Polemos in their place, but some in the audience may have seen in 
the arrival of Trygaios a parody of the Orphic encroachment of 
Dionysos upon Zeus. 

In vv. 140-1, the daughter of Trygaios inquires what he would do 
if the beetle should fall into the sea. To this Trygaios replies that he 
has a steering paddle. The scholiast comments on ndaAtov: 76 ai- 


54 | 


Sotov detxvvor ralfwv, a commentary of interest in connection with 
the remarkable masts used by sailors which Lucian describes (Vera — 
Hist. B, 45). Trygaios further says that his boat will be a Naxian 
kantharos. One wonders whether the Athenian was reminded by this 
scene of such vase-painting as that by Douris (Furtwangler-Reichhold, 
Griechische Vasenmalerei, pl. 48) in which a Dionysiac satyr balances 
the kantharos on the aidotov. With the mention of the Naxian kan- 
tharos there begins a remarkable play on the important meanings of 
the word x4v6apos—a play more elaborate than that on another word 
for a vase which appears later on in the comedy (vv. 431-2): @vadnv 
...- prarodper (cf. Wasps, 1447). Should Trygaios fall into the sea, a 
Nagwovpy}s xavOapos would be at hand to take him to the harbor ot 
Kdv0apos. The failure to play upon the meaning “cup” of the word 
xav0apos as did the later comic poets (Athen. XI, 473-474) 1s more ap- 
parent to the reader than it was to the spectator. Van Leeuwen has 
observed that Trygaios on reaching heaven presents Hermes with a 
gold cup, xpvais (v. 424) and that Trygaios must at this time have 
the xpvois in his hand. If this vase took the form of the kantharos as 
Van Leeuwen thinks, then the pun on this meaning of the word was 
acted rather than spoken. Trygaios probably showed his daughters a 
gold kantharos when he said there would bea Naxian kantharos to take 
him to the Peiraeus. Van Leeuwen notes that adjectives in ovpyns sig- 
nify works of art and he would therefore translate Nagwoupyis xav0a- 
pos as poculum Naxi fabricatum. But did a cup ever serve as a boat for 
a god of mystic character? There is a Mithraic tradition of a cup- 
shaped boat in which the divine bull sailed over the waters. This 
divine creature was then both ravpduopdos and reddywos. Now both 
these appellatives were applied to Dionysos who wasworshipped under 
bull-form and who also sailed the sea. Both the Mithraic divine bull 
and Dionysos were slain gods of resurrection and wereassociated with 
the vine. Again, Herakles who significantly advances by the side of 
the chthonic Kybele in the frieze of the Siphnian treasury, sailed in 
the golden cup of the sun (Pherekydes in Athen. XI, 470C; Walters, 
History of Ancient Pottery, I, p. 103). The conclusion seems fair that 
Dionysos like his congeners sailed in a boat which had the shape of a 
cup. This would give added point in the comedy to the remark of the 


ss kt 
Dionysiac Trygaios that he would sail in a Naxian kantharos—the 
cup which he held in his hand. 

There was also a hero Kantharos who gave his name to one of the 
harbors of Peiraeus (Schol. ad Pac. 144). This Kantharos looks very 
much like an hypostasis of Dionysos, like a companion of the hero 
at Mounychia who was called ’Axparorérns (Athen. II, 39C.) If so, 
his name as a designation of a boat offers an exact parallel to the 
Egyptian Isis who belonged in the Dionysiac circle and who gave 
her name to a boat (Luc. Nav., 5). Both Isis and Dionysos bore the 
appellative red aytos. 

There is little doubt that the primary meaning of the word «476 apos 
is ‘beetle’ and that the other meanings upon which Aristophanes 
plays are logical derivatives from it. To show this connection the 
following translations might be given: (1) ‘beetle,’ (2) ‘beetle-cup,’ 
(3) “beetle-boat,’ (4) “beetle-harbor.’ The last two meanings should 
be further discussed. There is a special point in calling a kantharos 
Na£wovpyjs because Naxos was a famous seat of Dionysiac worship 
‘where the god of wine and his beetle-cup long dominated the coin- 
types. The Homeric hymn to Dionysos is further proof of his early 
connection with the island, a connection which has survived to this 
day in the tradition that the modern St. Dionysios carried the first 
vine to Naxos and planted it there (Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore 
and Ancient Greek Religion, p. 43). With regard to the harbor of 
Kantharos to which Trygaios will sail, Plutarch (Phocion, 28) tells 
an interesting story. A mystic while washing a pig in the harbor was 
seized by a monster. This story shows that the harbor of Kantharos 
had some connection with Eleusinian cult. The hero Kantharos who 
gave his name to the harbor was an hypostasis of Dionysos. His 
name recalls that of Dionysos who in the Frogs (22) is jokingly 
called the son of Stamnios. The names of the other two Peiraeic har- 
bors were Aphrodision and Zea, the latter meaning ‘grain.’ Since 
these two names suggest fertility-cults it is reasonable to draw the 
third name Kantharos into the same circle. The triad of names looks 
like an approximation to the Eleusinian triad composed of Demeter, 
Persephone and Dionysos. It is curious that the westernmost extrem- 
ity of the island of Samos was anciently called Kantharion. Thus 


56 i 


the gaping Dionysos of Samos and the Kantharion seem like the 
counterpart of the gaping Trygaios and the harbor of Kantharos. 
Another question is whether the proposed sailing of Trygaios in his 
kantharos to the harbor of Kantharos is a parody of a tradition. It 
may be that a Bacchic hero Kantharos made a journey by sea from 
Naxos to the harbor which bore his name, but no such tradition has 
survived. Yet a harbor was anciently so named, as Tarentum from 
Taras who went ashore on a dolphin. 

That Kantharos was a Dionysiac hero is confirmed by the name 
Kanthara which appears in decidedly chthonic company in a magic 
papyrus (v. infra, p. 88) and which is found also in Latin comedy (cf. 
Hermes, 1902 (37),p.181,s.v.). The Kanthara in the papyrus 1s simply 


a magic name for Baslanche One might set down the proportion: 


Dionysos : Kantharos :: Persephone : Kanthara. 


Thepictureof Trygaiosmountedonabeetleandholdingagoldencup 
(xpuois) finds a curious parallel in later time (Rev. XVII, 3-5): ef5ov 
yuvaika Ka0nuévny érl Onplov...€xovta xpvoovy mornpiov év TH xeEtpl 
auras. ..kaléml 70 péTwrov avris dbvoua yeypaupéevov, Mvornprov, BaBviwv 
h meyadn, 7 wATnp Tov wopvGy.... The parallel is so close as to confirm 
the theory that the ascent of Trygaios is a parody of a mystic as- 
cent. Trygaios may have had a mark upon his brow like the Mithraic 
mystic (cf. Rev. VII, 3). It will be remembered that when Trygaios 
resurrects Peace in heaven, the goddess is attended by two others 
attired as harlots. The cup which Trygaios carries, if a kantharos, 
becomes the counterpart of the kantharos which the Dionysos holds 
in the Spartan ste/az. Aristophanes very appropriately introduced the 
complicated play upon the word x4v@apos into a comedy which dealt 
directly with the Spartans one of whose mystic symbols was that very 
Kavéapos. 

Before Trygaios mounts upward on his beetle he imposes certain 
drastic restrictions upon people below so that the beetle will not cast 
him headlong and go grazing (151-3). The word Bovxodjoerar has a 
decidedly Dionysiac connotation which is confirmed by its occur- 
rence so soon after the word-play upon xév@apos (145). The name 
Bovxddor was applied to members of a Dionysiac society at Pergamon 


H 57k 


and their leader was called apy tBounddos (Herwerden, Lexicon Grae- 
CUM, S. V. BovxodtKds). In one of the Orphic hymns Orpheus 1s Bouxddos. 
That the word had an objectionable connotation in the fifth century 
is inferred from a fragment of Kratinos (Meineke, rag. Com. Graec. 


I, p. 67, no. 82): 
Kal un mpogtaxe BapBaporor Bovxddous. 


That Aristophanes was alluding toa cult-phrase is shown by a passage 
in the Wasps (10) where Xanthias says to Sosias that they both tend 
(Bovxodets) the same Sabazios. 

As Trygaios mounts in air on his beetle, he is suddenly setzed with 
fright (v. 173) and appeals to the stage-mechanic to give close atten- 
tion saying: “Already there is twisting a certain blast about the 
omphalos and if you do not look out, I'll feed the beetle.” These words 
are construed by the scholiast as simply a gastric manifestation of 
fear but they may contain an allusion to the omphalos at Delphi. 
The appropriateness of such allusion would lie in the Dionysiac 
‘character of the omphalos. Dionysos was the first to sit upon the 
tripod to reveal the future. His successor Apollo sat either on the 
tripod or the omphalos (v. Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. 
tripus, p. 475). The Pythia who was a Bacchante was first overcome 
by exhalations from the earth and then when dizzy made predictions. 


The words of Trygaios (v. 175) are well chosen: 
Hon oTpédper Te TWvevua Tepl TOY dugmanrov. 


Now veya is the word which Strabo uses in describing the oper- 
ation of the Delphic oracle (IX, 419, 5): avagépecOar SE adrod rredpa 
évOovoragrixdv. Lhe priestess is described as receiving the rvedua. The 
next words of Trygaios rept 7év 6u¢addyv are found in an inscription at 
Delphi (B. C. H. 1902, pp. 585-6) which tells of some work about 
the omphalos so that the phrase repi rév d6upaddy may be regarded 
as a usual phrase of reference to that object. Thus the Dionysiac 
associations of Trygaios and of the Delphic omphalos combine with 
Delphic phraseology, rvefua, rept tov dupaddy to prepare the Athen- 
ians, who were quite familiar with the oracle, for a more exalted 
prediction from the dizzy Trygaios than that of the words xopracw 


I 58 kK 
tov xdvOapov which are deliberately and effectively placed at the 
very end of the sentence. 

Trygaios now (179) reaches the abode of Zeus and learns (197) 
that the gods have moved out the day before and that Polemos has 
buried Peace in a cave (223). The passage is full of mystic sugges- 
tions. Peace was a deity among the Greeks as early as Hesiod (Theog. 
goi—3) and had an altar at Athens (Schol. ad Pac. 1020). A younger 
contemporary of Aristophanes, the sculptor Kephisodotos, made a 
statue of Peace holding Ploutos who was the child of Demeter (Athen. 
XV, 694C). Trygaios gets his information from Hermes, who 1s very 
appropriately present in this scene because he was an habitué of the 
mystic cave and bore the name orndairns (Steph. Byz.s.v. orpdavor). 
The burial of Peace in a cave and her resurrection have a Sealey 


Orphic ring, like the burial of Rhesos (970-1): 


kputros 6 év &vrpous THs brapybpov xOoves 


avopwrodaipwy KetoeTar BrA€Twr Paos. 


The prospect of the resurrection from these caves is given in vv. 963 fF. 
Rhesos may be the masculine of Rhea (*Pheoa?) with lengthened 
vowel of a stronger root and therefore but another name for Kronos, 
the consort of Rhea. Kronos experienced a burial very like that of 
Rhesos, as may be learned from Plutarch (941F): abréy per yap tov 
Kpdévov év &vtpw Babet wepréxecOar rérpas xpvaoetdots Kabebdovra, Tov 
yap imvov aire peunxarvnobar deouor br Tod Ards. The place of burial 
isa cave in both cases, oneinsilvered earth, the other in rock containing 
gold. Kronos sleeps in a deep cave (é» &vrpw Babe?) like Peace (eis dvrpov 
Ba6i). The importance of the cave in resurrection is shown also by 
the Phigalean version of Demeter’s sorrow after the violence of 
Poseidon. She withdrew into a cave. Production ceased and famine 
reigned (Paus. VIII, 42, 2-3). The cave is here a substitute for 
Hades. Porphyry, discussing a cave of the nymphs, says that by one 
of its two entrances mortals descend and that by the other gods 
ascend (De Antro Nympharum, 1-3). Later on Porphyry says that the 
Persians call the place a cave where there is initiation into the mys- 
tery of the descent of souls and their return. This is obviously a 
resurrection-cave. [he initiates went in one entrance as mortals and 


I so kt 


came out of the other as gods. Eusebios in his description of the 
monolithic tomb of Christ says it contained an dyrpovr. (Theoph. II, 
29; Migne P. G. XXIV, p. 620). The word seems to have been 
traditionally used in the sense of resurrection-tomb. In the Peace of 
Aristophanes the évrtpov must be a substitute for Hades because 
Kerberos is mentioned. From this cave the Dionysiac Trygaios will 
resurrect Peace, as Dionysos resurrected Semele from the lower world. 

Hermes calls the attention of Trygaios (225) to the great number 
of stones which Polemos brought and placed over Peace. The words 
of Hermes arrest the attention: éreddpnce r&v AiOwv. By combining 
the verb and the noun, one may call Polemos a \.boddpos. There is 
very possibly here an allusion toa ritual of burial of a goddess beneath 
stones which would explain the title and function of an Eleusinian 
priest, tepeds AvGoddpos. The title of this priest which was inscribed 
on a seat of honor in the Athenian theatre of Dionysos shows that 
his important function was to carry a stone of some sort. Hence 
it may be conjectured that in ritual he performed the part of Polemos 
‘in the comedy and brought stones with which to bury the goddess in 
a scene of resurrection. A similar ritual drama was performed at 
Troezen, where Damia and Auxesia, who are hypostases of Demeter 
and Persephone, were stoned, and where in memory of their fate a 
ceremony called AvoBdAra was celebrated (Paus. II, 32, 3). First 
apparently occurred the ABoBoria and then the *Ardogopia, in which 
the stricken deity was buried beneath stones. The importance of the 
AWoddpos is shown by an inscription (Foucart, Les Mystéres d’ Eleusis, 
p- 167) which mentions M. Ad’p/Avov Avboddpov Ipdcdexrov.. &pEavra 
700 Kyptxwv yévous. The d\.b0¢dpos belonged apparently to the Eleusin- 
ian family of the Knpuxes. 

As Trygaios stands at the cave where Peace lies buried, Polemos 
appears and exclaims (236-7): 


iw Bpotol Bpotol Bporol rodvTAnpOoOves, 
ws alrika pada Tas yvabous ad\ynoeTe. 


The scholiast offers two interpretations of a\-ynoere: } TprBduevor év 
TH Oveia, } TOY pwuTTwWTOY EéoOiorTes Ov TPiPeLy TapacKevaserat 6 IdXEuOs. 
But there may be here an allusion to a ritual pain in the cheeks which 


| 60 f 

anticipated the experience of the pallida turba in the underworld to 
which Tibullus (I, 10, 35) refers with the words percussis genis,ifsuch . 
is the correct reading (cf. K. F. Smith, The Elegies of Albius Tidullus 
(1913), p.383). There was a rite which consisted of anointing the throat 
of weeping mystics, but it is not said that the anointing was done 
because of any pain. Firmicus Maternus (De Errore, 22) describes the 
rite: Tunc a sacerdote omnium qui flebant fauces unguentur. When this 
was done the priest exhorted the mystics: 


Oappetre wvotat Tov Beod ceaowopévon. 


It is clear that the anointing was done in a rite of resurrection and 
it is a resurrection that is soon to take place in the Peace. To such 
Polemos may allude. 

The pain which mortals are to suffer in the comedy will be in- 
flicted by Polemos apparently with a pestle and mortar, the pestle 
alluding to Cleon and Brasidas. Is the choice of these means merely 
comic or dictated by some tradition ? Can it be a parody of a Persian 
rite? The Avesta (Yasht, X, 23, 90) says that Mithras was the first 
to prepare the Aaoma for the sacrifice ina celestial mortar (cf. Cumont, 
Textes et Monuments, I, 197). Parsi priests use a metal mortar and 
pestle in their rites (Haug, Essays on the Religion of the Parses,‘ p. 
282). The Mazdaean sacrifice to Ahriman consisted of mo/y in a 
mortar. Moly was garlic according to Cumont (Les Religions Orien- 
tales, p. 282). Kydoimos in the Peace (258) asks Polemos about the 
garlic. The scholiast says that with the words & Méyapa (246) garlic 
was added to the contents of the mortar. The Dionysiac associations 
of the pestle are evident in vase-paintings where a Maenad holds a 
pestle (Roscher, Lexikon, II, p. 1181). In an attack upon Orpheus a 
Maenad holds a pestle which appears as a weapon of women ina scene 
of the Iliupersis (Furtwangler-Reichhold, Griechische Vasenmalerei, 
pl.34). Thechoice of the pestle for Polemos may then have been inspired 
by its use in Persian and Thracian cult. When Kydoimos arrives in 
Sparta to get a pestle for Polemos he learns that the Spartans lost 
it (Brasidas) in Thrace (283). 

So soon as Kydoimos has departed on this mission, Trygaios makes 


a significant appeal (276): 


61 


vov ayov méeyas. 
> 9 an 
GAN el Tis budy év DapoOpakn TrYXaVEL 
/ an 2 7 \ 
Meuunuevos, viv éoriv evEacAat Kadov 


aTooTPAPHval TOV METLOVTOS TW TOOE. 


Curiously enough Trygaios appeals to one who has been initiated into 
the mysteries of Samothrace to pray. He cannot himself pray to the 
Samothracian Kabeiroi because he does not know their secret names. 
The Scholiast on the 4rgonautica of Apollonios (I, 918) tells us that 
those who know the mysteries are the ones who appear to be saved. 
But why should Trygaios want an appeal to a deity whom he cannot 
invoke himself? The reason lies perhaps in the Spartan devotion to the 
Samothracian cult. Spartans were initiated into its mysteries. Among 
these were Antalkidas and Lysander, whose answers to priestly ques- 
tions at confession revealed their inclination to deal directly with the 
Kabeiroi (Plut. Zpoph. Lacon. 217D, 229D). Trygaios then in appeal- 
ing indirectly to the Samothracian gods is seeking to influence deities 
‘popular at Sparta, while Aristophanes incidentally takes a fling at 
Spartan religion. That Spartan and Athenian mysteries were dissim- 
ilar is shown by the story of Herodotos (VIII, 65) that the Spartan 
Demaratos asked about the Eleusinian cry taxxos. The appeal to 
Samothracian deity is interesting in view of the theory above set forth 
that the beardless figure of the Spartan tombstones is to be identified 
with the younger Kabeiros. A Cabiric atmosphere would suit very well 
the content of the prayer that the feet of Kydoimos, who seeks a pestle 
in Sparta, be twisted. For the prayer might then be construed as a play- 
ful reference to the twisted foot of the father of the Kabeiroi, Hephais- 
tos, besides indicating the wish that the unwelcome messenger should 
turn his steps elsewhere. 

When the messenger returns with the news that Sparta has no 
pestle, Trygaios concludes his exclamation of satisfaction with & 
Avookdpw (285), a significant vocative deliberately chosen because of 
the prominence of the Dioskouroi in Spartan cult. The Spartans 
themselves swear by them in v. 214 (val ra ow). Then Trygaios 
speaks in mystic fashion (286): tows av eb yévoiro: Oappeir’, & Bporol. 
The verse recalls the mystic words of the priest as given by Firmicus: 


62 i 


appetite, worat. The exhortation of Trygaios is followed by a phallic 
passage and the announcement that it is time to drag up Peace . 
(€fe\xboar...Elpnvny, Vv. 294). Why should a phallic passage be set 
just before the resurrection of the goddess? The answer is probably 
to be found in closely contemporary vase-painting where ithyphallic 
sileni appear with picks to dig up the earth-goddess (Harrison, 
Themis, p. 422, fig. 126). In the sequence of mystic rites an ithy- 
phallic episode apparently preceded and accompanied the resurrec- 
tion. As in this vase- -painting the sileni use pickaxes to dig up the 
goddess, so Trygaios in parody of the rite calls upon the farmers to 
come with pickaxes (v. 299) and lay hold upon the good deity. The 
words ayaGod Saiuovos are very suggestive. The first day of the 
Boeotian Anthesteria, a Dionysiac festival, was called ay a008 daiuovos. 
It was the day when souls emerged from the underworld. Thus the 
aya0es daiuwy was Closely associated with resurrection. The chthonic 
character of the good deity is further shown by a dedication to the 
Agatho Daemoni on a Roman sepulchral altar (Altmann, Rém. Gra- 
baltare, p. 5) and by his symbol the serpent which is found on coins 
struck in Egypt under the Romans (Daremberg et Saglio. Diction- 
naire, s. v. Agathodaemon). An inscription from Eumeneia in Phrygia 
refers to Philippus Arabs as ’Aya6és daiuwy and to his consort as 
Eipnyn (Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyc. s. v. Eirene, p. 2130). There was 
thus good reason for giving the name dyads daiuwr to Peace who 
was about to be resurrected. In response to the appeal of Trygaios, 
the chorus (301) bids every one make straight for salvation. 

This analysis of a brief passage in the comedy (vv. 286-301) brings 
out a striking coincidence with the mystic formula preserved by Fir- 
micus. First come the reassuring words of Trygaios (286): @appei7’, 
& Bporoi; next the proposed recovery of the goddess Peace (294), and 
finally the prospect of salvation (301). These three essentials, exhor- 
tation, resurrection and salvation occur in the order named in the 
mystic formula given by Firmicus (De Errore, 22): 


Oappetre, uvotat Tov Oeod cecwopevor, 


éoTar Yap Huty Ek TOvwWY OwTNpLA. 


The coincidence becomes more striking if Bporot may here be taken 


1 63 i 

as equivalent in force to plorac. It is not certain in which cult the 
formula given by Firmicus was used. Some refer it to the cult of 
Kybele; others to Osiris (cf. Loisy, Les Mystéres Paiens (1914), p. 104). 

Although the scene of the digging up of Peace is laid in heaven, it 
is conceived and stated in terms of a chthonic resurrection. Trygaios 
ascends to the gods and resurrects Peace. This looks like a parody 
of a tradition given by Plutarch (De Sera Num. Vind. 566 sq.) that 
Dionysos ascended to the gods and later brought up Semele: éheye 
dé ra’tn Tov Avovucoy avedOety eis Oeods Kal THY DewéAnv avayev boTeEpor. 
The question now arises whether the celestial setting of the chthonic 
resurrection is merely an Aristophanic fancy. It may rather be that 
this fusion of the two reflects a ritual fusion inherited perhaps from 
Egypt where the Osirian (Dionysiac) or subterranean hereafter was 
fused with the solar-stellar hereafter. Trygaios found a Kerberos in 
the region where he saw the souls of dithyrambic poets in stellar form. 

In vv. 318ff. the chorus is moved to shout and dance wildly be- 
cause of the impending resurrection of Peace, to whom the chorus 
has given the Dionysiac title ¢iNauredwr argv (308). This wild danc- 
ing is certainly a parody of ritual, for in vase-painting dancing figures 
appear in scenes of the resurrection of Dionysos and the earth-god- 
dess. On a fine black-figure amphora (Louvre, no. 311) Maenads 
dance with castanettes in the presence of Dionysos and Persephone 
whose heads have emerged from the earth. A red-figure krater (Har- 
rison, Prolegomema, p. 277) is painted with a representation of the 
anodos of Persephone. Hermes receives the goddess as she arises from 
the ground. He too is present in the Peace when the goddess is 
brought up from the cave. In the vase-painting three figures resem- 
bling Pan engage in a lively dance to express their joy at the reappear- 
ance of the goddess. In another painting on a red-figure krater (Rom. 
Mitt. XII (1897), pls. 1V—V; p. 89) the goddess has almost emerged 
from the ground. Hermes is present and eight sileni dance a welcome 
to the resurrected goddess. Yet another vase-painting (on. Ined. 
XII, 4; 7. H. S. 1899, p. 232) represents Persephone rising from a 
cave, as Peace does in the comedy. Dionysos is present and quietly 
looks at two sileni who dance excitedly. Thus Trygaios, who re- 
peatedly urges the chorus to be quiet at the resurrection of Peace, 


Hl 64 K 
corresponds to the quiet Dionysos of the painting while the chorus 
corresponds to the dancing sileni. Both in the comedy and in the 
vase-painting the dancers might well utter the words of the mystics: 
eUPNKAaNEV, TVYXalpouev (Athenagoras, Presbeia, 24C; Firmicus, De 
Errore, XI, 9). 

To the chthonic setting of the scene in the Peace, Hermes the 
psychopompos is appropriate and quite logically reproaches Trygaios 
for his attempt to release Peace. Hermes was apparently unknown 
at Eleusis but played an important part in the mysteries of the 
Kabeiroi (cf. Reinach, Rev. Arch. 1919, p. 200), to which Aristophanes 
had already alluded in the comedy. In v. 371 Hermes asks Trygaios 
if he does not know that Zeus has prescribed death for anyone who 
should be caught digging up the goddess. This is a parody of the 
traditional suffering of a benefactor for service which he has rendered 
mankind. Zeus would kill Trygaios for endeavoring to restore Peace 
to humanity, just as he slew Orpheus with a thunderbolt because 
Orpheus taught mortals mysteries which they had not heard before — 
(Paus. IX, 30, 5). Prometheus too was punished by Zeus for stealing 
fire for mortals and Laokodn has paid his penalty for all time in the 
writhing group which bears his name. Another example of the motif 
is given by Aristophanes in the P/utus (119), where Ploutos expresses 
the fear that should he establish a new reign of justice Zeus would 
destroy him. 

Trygaios, realizing that he must die for his service in restoring the 
goddess Peace to mankind, tries to borrow three drachmai from Her- 
mes for the purchase of a pig because he must be initiated before he 
dies (374-5). This is certainly an allusion to the purchase of a pig 
for the purification of initiates at Eleusis. Since the chorus of the 
comedy (386) speaks of having made an offering of a little pig to 
Hermes, one point of the situation is that Trygaios is trying to bor- 
row the money from the god who is to receive the offering. The re- 
quest for the loan evokes from Hermes the exclamation & Zed kepavvo- 
Bpdvra. The appellative kepavvoBporTta finely illustrates the signifi- 
cance of Aristophanic epitheta. They were not chosen in haphazard 
fashion. What had the thunderbolt to do with initiation ? The Orphic 


tablets found in Southern Italy represent the initiate as announcing 


1 65 i 

in the lower world that he has been overcome by a thunderbolt. Dur- 
ing the initiation of the Scythian king Skylas into the Dionysiac 
mysteries, his palace was hit with a thunderbolt (Herod. IV, 79). 
This was apparently a means of purification because Porphyry (Vita 
Pyth. XVII) tells us that Pythagoras of Samos was purified with a 
thunderbolt in Crete by one of the Idaean Dactyls. Perhaps the 
underlying principle of the rite is that the experience of the initiate 
should be patterned after that of his mystic god. Orpheus was struck 
with a thunderbolt. No wonder that Artemidoros (Oneirocritica, II, 
9g, p- 91) says that a man struck by lightning was honored as a god. 

In vv. 403 ff. Trygaios reveals the dread secret to Hermes that the 
sun and the moon are plotting against the gods and betraying Greece 
to the barbarians in an effort to get possession of the mysteries. The 
reason for the betrayal of Greece is that the barbarians sacrifice to 
the sun and the moon. Herodotos (I, 131), speaking of the Persians, 
says: Obovor 6¢ Prim Te Kal cedhvy. Aristophanes may intend here a 
thrust at Orphism. According to an antique citation of the Aeschy- 
lean Bassarai Orpheus did not honor Dionysos but the sun which he 
called Apollo, and used to go nightly to the summit of Pangaion 
to see the sun rise. This angered Dionysos, who incited the Maenads 
to tear Orpheus to pieces. Aischylos has preserved here a record of 
the conflict between the Dionysiac cult and its Orphic rival in the 
north. Trygaios warns Hermes of the danger to which gods of the 
Eleusinian type are exposed. | 

The sun and the moon wish to get possession of the mysteries 
(413). To this mystic setting with its Orphic suggestions is added the 
remark of Hermes that the sun and the moon for some time have 
been nibbling at the cycle (kbKXov tapérpwyov bd duaptwrlas). The 
enigmatic auaprwAias, which is a correction of the dpyatwdtas of the 
MSS., is followed (421) by a reference to cessation from ills and the 
presentation of a cup to Hermes. Through the passage there seems 
to run allusion to the Orphic-Pythagorean doctrine of the cycle of 
births. The sequence is reer as (413), xbKrov—dd’ duaptwrias (415), 
mem avuuévat kKax@v (421) which reminds one of the Orphic wish kbxdov 
rad Af~ar Kal avarvedoat Kaxdrnros. Then (424) Trygaios presents 
the cup, possibly of the form of a kantharos, the Spartan chalice of 


| 66 i 
immortality. That the cup is to serve in pouring libations does not 
prevent its being a kantharos. In a scene on a kantharos in the Boston 
Museum signed by Nikosthenes, a kantharos is used for libation. Be 
this as it may, in v. 426 Hermes tells the chorus to enter the cave 
and remove the stones with picks. The ritual of resurrection parodied 
by Aristophanes may be Eleusinian. Proklos (zn Plat. Theol. IV, 9, 
p- 193) tells of a most mystic rite in which the body was buried up 
to the neck. Maass (Orpheus, p. 177) refers the rite to the Attic mys- 
teries and explains it as an act of sacrifice demanded by chthonic 
deity, but a better explanation of this most mystic rite is that the 
_ body of the initiated committed to earth is to rise again. The anodos 
of the fertility-god was the prototype of the anodos of his devotee, in 
harmony with the mystic dictum “Thou shalt be god instead of 
mortal.”’ The mystic rite of burying a person to his neck was a 
rehearsal of the resurrection of the body designed to assure that per- 
son of such resurrection after death. 

That a large heavy statue of the goddess Peace was to be brought 
up from the cave in the comedy was suggested to the spectators by 
the difficulty in raising her with ropes (cf. Van Leeuwen ad Pac. 458). 
The suggestion that a statue and not a living actor represented the 
goddess finds a striking analogy in Egyptian ritual. An image of Osiris 
was buried and resurrected in the annual rites of the god, who was 
anciently identified with the Greek Dionysos. Moret (Mystéeres Egypt- 
tens (1911), p. 11) gives an illustration of the resurrection of an 
aniconic Osiris by means of ropes. The Pharaoh is seen pulling on 
the ropes to assist in raising the god just as Trygaios in the comedy 
joins with others in tugging at the cables to raise the goddess Peace. 
The parallel is a close one and seems to confirm Foucart’s theory of 
Eleusinian indebtedness to Egyptian cult (cf. Farnell, Cu/ts, III, 
p. 142). The Peace, like the Frogs, contains a parody of a mystic 
descent to the lower world. Trygaios goes into a cave (Hades) to 
bring up Peace while Dionysos descends to Hades to bring up Euri- 
pides. The spectator must have been reminded by both scenes of the 
descent of Dionysos to bring up Semele. Trygaios and his helpers 
have to use picks to get Peace. The scene might almost be given the 
title of the lost satyr-play of Sophokles, Mavéapa 4} Zdvpoxéror. Pan- © 


1 67 k 
dora and Peace are simply other versions of the earth-mother and 
agricultural implements help to bring them up. A curious Christian 
use of this motif is given by Farnell (Cults, III, p. 26). Christ de- 
scended from heaven witha golden hammer and by smiting the earth 
evoked the Virgin Church. 

It is possible that the goddess Peace figured in the ceremony of 
resurrection because Themistios in an oration on peace (Dindorf, 
XVI, 244; cf. Maass, Orpheus, p. 305) speaks of the day the king intro- 
duced Peace as in the mysteries: év } thy Eiphyny eiofyev (6 Bacrdeds) 
@omep é€v TeXMeTH GWodntl kal atpaypovws, Hdn TavTéXws dvdgEATLOTODGL. 
There is moreover a certain kinship of Peace and the earth-goddess. 
According to Hesiod (Theog., 901) Peace was the daughter of Themis 
whom Aischylos equated with Gaia. Kephisodotos represented Peace 
holding Ploutos, who was the son of Demeter (Hes. Theog. 969). The 
chthonic associations of Peace find a distant echo in a Roman coin of 
Augustus in which a figure inscribed Pax holds a caduceus. Nearby 
is a kiste with a snake rising from it (Babelon, Mon. de la Répub. 
“Rom. II, p. 61. no. 147). 

In v. 497 Trygaios in urging the men to pull manfully on the ropes 
uses the curious phrase Kutt@vtes THs elphyns. Lhe verb xirray is de- 
rived from xirra, “greedy bird,” and is equivalent to ériOvpety ac- 
cording to the scholiast, but there may be a play upon a name for 
Dionysos, xurrebs (kiocets) from kitrds ‘ivy’ (Bruchmann, Epitheta 
Deorum, s. v. Avévvoos). On an amphora signed by Phintias (Furt- 
wangler-Reichhold, Griechische Vasenmaleret, p\.91)aMaenadisnamed 
Kucivy. In v. 520 Trygaios addresses Peace as smelling of xirr0d (535). 

The instructions of Hermes to the chorus that if they wish to drag 
up Peace they should withdraw a little toward the sea (506-7) have 
been variously construed by the scholiasts. One thinks there is an 
allusion to the victory over the Persians; another thinks it is a hint 
to the Athenians to yield a little of their sea-power; a third thinks 
the situation of Athens near the sea enabled the Athenians to prevent 
their inland neighbors from obtaining certain necessities and thereby 
impeded peaceful relations. So Hermes suggests that if Trygaios and 
his followers wish to obtain peace they should yield and not claim 
what belongs to another. But Hermes’ instructions seem to hint at 


I 68 kt 
some connection between her resurrection or a mystic resurrection 
and the sea. There is to be noted acurious parallelism between deities - 
of vegetation and the sea on the one hand and souls and the sea on 
the other. Plutarch (Isis et Osiris, 364F) says that the Argives sum- 
moned Dionysos out of the water. The traditional connection of 
Argos with Egypt raises the question whether this aquatic Dionysos 
is not the Greek version of Osiris as the god of the fertile Nile. When 
Dionysos was attacked by the Thracian Lykourgos he fled to the sea: 


Atwvvaoos 6 doBnbels 
Sice®” GOs Kara Kdua, Oéris d bwedéEaro.. (Z/., VI, 135). 


Apparently Dionysos tried to encroach upon the territory of an 
earlier god Lykourgos and was driven back to the sea by his rival. 
Not only did Dionysos plunge into the sea but the statues of other 
deities of fertility and resurrection were either thrown into the sea or 
carried into it. Statuettes of Adonis were thrown into the sea at 
Alexandria. At Athens the statue of Adonis was thrown into a foun- — 
tain instead of being laid in a tomb (Vellay, Le Culte d’ Adonis, pp. 
141, 145). The goddess Kybele was taken to the sea for a ritual bath 
(Graillot, Le Culte de Cybéle, p. 399). The statue of Isis was taken to 
the sea at Kenchreai but there is no record that the statue was put 
in the water. Aphrodite rose from the sea. 

Now Peace is also an aspect of the deity of fertility. This is shown 
by the tradition that she was the daughter of Poseidon and Mel- 
anthea. This Melanthea, the daughter of Alpheios, is just another 
black goddess like the Demeter Melaina whose temple stood at Phiga- 
leia (Paus. VIII, 5, 8; 42, 4). Hence Peace both as daughter of 
Poseidon and as an hypostasis of a deity of fertility has much to do 
with the sea. The ceremonies which carried the statues of her con- 
geners to the sea may also have carried her own. To such a rite 
Aristophanes may allude when Hermes recommends that those who 
wish to drag the goddess out should withdraw a little toward the sea. 
Hence the verb karayevv (458) is a nautical word very appropriately 
used by the coryphaeus. The rite must have been something more 
than a mere bath. The importance of the sea in mystic rite is evi- 
denced by the Eleusinian a\ade ptcrar. The statue of Kybele was 


I 69 k 
carried into the sea and then taken out again. This may have been 
a rite of resurrection following baptism, in which all present had a 
share. Such significance would perhaps explain the phraseology of St. 
Paul, who in the Epistle to the Colossians (II, 12) reminds them that 
by baptism they have been buried with the Lord and resurrected 
with Him. 

The close connection of deities of vegetation with the sea is 
matched by a close connection of souls with the sea. This is logically 
to be expected because the destiny of the soul is closely linked with 
the destiny of the deity of vegetation. Whither that deity went, the 
soul went. Porphyry (De Antro Nympharum, 10) says that thenymphs 
who preside over the forces of the waters are Naiads and that the 
same name was applied to souls which descend in generation. Accord- 
ing to an Orphic hymn the Nereids were the first teachers of the mys- 
teries (XXIV). A curious grave-inscription ("E¢.’Apx. 1883, p. 79) 
forbids one to inquire a deceased hierophant’s name which has been 
carried to sea: 


» p = a 
otvoua 6 Botts éyw, wn Sifeo. Pecpos Exetvo 
> > b] e 
pvaoTeKos @ixeT Aywv eis Ga Topdhupéeny. 


The connection of Nereids with mysteries explains the presence of 
their statues in the colonnade of the so-called Nereid monument. 
Nereids also appear in a sepulchral painting at Kerch of the second 
century after Christ. Here two female figures holding scarfs above their 
heads correspond to the Nereids of the Lycian monument (Antiquités 
de la Russie Méridionale I, p. 35, fig. 33). Since the digging up of 
Peace is a parody of an Poh or mystic resurrection, it 1s appro- 
priate for Hermes to connect the resurrection of the goddess with 
the sea from which the statue of the earth-deity like Kybele had 
risen. In other words, the resurrection from the cave suggests the 
other type of resurrection, that from the sea. 

The appearance of Peace above ground in the comedy (520) gives 
Trygaios a Dionysiac thrill and he exclaims: 


s t t , , Iw . 
& woTvLa Borpvddwpe, Ti TpogEeiTW O Eros; 
To0ev Gv AGBotut pnua puptapdopor... 


Hl 70 i 


This address to Peace shows that the grape-cluster overshadows Try- 
gaios and that he conceives of Peace practically as an earth-goddess, 
a giver of fruit especially of the grape. Trygaios then addresses Opora 
and Theoria who have come up from the cave with Peace. Lenor- 
mant (Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. Bacchus, p. 616) 
states that the young Dionysos was associated with the seasons, 
principally Eirene and Opora. Opora as the season of ripening fruits 
is Dionysiac enough. Hesychios says (s. v. émapa): xupiws 6¢ 4} oradudy 
Karaxpnotikas 6 kal érl ray ddAAwY dkpodpbwv. ‘Orwpa and "Iphvn ap- 
pear twice in vase-painting as the names of Bacchantes (Roscher, 
Lexikon, s. v. Opora; Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyc. s. v. Ezrene, p. 
2132). Hence Opora is a very appropriate consort for the Dionysiac 
Trygaios. The name ’Ozwpets asa Boeotian epithet of Zeus should also 
be noted (Usener, Gétternamen, p. 146). Pindar calls Dionysos ayvér 
déyyos émwpas (Frag. 153 [125]). The Eleusinian mystics who 
stopped at the tomb of Phytalos read an epitaph which revealed the 
importance of the érwpas xap7és (Paus. I, 37, 2): 


"EvO048 &vak pws Bit adds wore 6€EaTo cemvhy 


Anuntpav, 6T€ TpGTov OTwMpas KapToY Epnver.. . 


Theoria also has a certain Bacchic connotation. The Dionysia was 
called by Plato 4 708 Avovicov Oewpia (Legg. 650A). According to Hesy- 
chios Sewpides was a name for Bacchantes. Oewpia would be a good 
name for the spectacle in the mysteries when the hierophant showed 
the sacred objects to the initiated. Both Theoria and Opora were 
dressed in the play as harlots, as we are informed by the scholiast 
(728). This confirms their character as fertility-figures. The Germanic 
corn-mother was called die Grosse Hure (Rudwin, Origin of the Ger- 
manic Carnival Comedy (1920), p. 42). She is the counterpart of the 
great harlot and mother of harlots who bore upon her brow the word 
‘mystery,’ with whom the kings of the earth committed fornication 
(Rev. XVII, 1-5). One is reminded of the proposed marriage of Deme- 
trios Poliorketes with Athena in the Parthenon as told by Clement 
of Alexandria (Protrep. 54) and of the reproach cast by the Christian 
fathers that the Aphrodite worshipped by Kinyras was a whore (Fraz- 
er, Adonis, Attis and Osiris, p. 31). 


7 i 

The resurrected group is three in number—Peace, Opora and 
Theoria. They constitute a triad which suggests mystic groups. A 
vase-painting of the fifth century (Baumeister, Denkmdiler, I, p. 423, 
Fig. 463) represents Persephone, Hekate and Demeter. One thinks 
too of the female triad at Lykosoura, consisting of Demeter, Des- 
poina and Artemis. A Cyzicene coin of the imperial period (British 
Museum Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Mysia, pl. X1,7) bears three 
figures which have been interpreted as Demeter, Persephone and 
Kybele (Farnell, Cu/ts, III, p. 229). Another Cyzicene coin in Paris 
has the fagade of a temple surmounted by three goddesses holding 
torches (Cabinet.de Medailles, no. 1158). The grouping of deities in 
triads is a Chaldaean conception (Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des 
Peuples de ?' Orient, p. 150). 

In v. 706 Hermes gives Opora in marriage to Trygaios and bids 
him live with her in the fields and beget grape-clusters. This is some- 
thing more than a conclusion rapa rpogdoxiav. The son of Trygaios 
is to be Bérpus, the very name given the son of Staphylos (Nonnos, 
“XVIII, 7). Hence Trygaios is practically to be identified with Sta- 
phylos. This is simply a restatement of what has already been said, 
i. e. Trygaios is thoroughly Dionysiac in character. The marriage of 
Opora and Trygaios is certainly a burlesque of a mystic marriage by 
which Dionysos became “the holy light of autumn.” An Orphic hymn 
(Abel, Orphica, no. 29) represents Persephone as wedded in autumn. 
The union of Trygaios and Oporais that of Dionysos and Persephone, 
“the infernal goddess, daughter of Demeter who ripens the fruit.” 
Farnell suggests that Dionysos may have been the bridegroom of 
Kore in the lesser mysteries at Athens (Cu/ts, III, p. 170). The phrase 
év tots aypois used by Hermes suggests Iasion’s intercourse with 
Demeter in the cornfields and the birth of Ploutos. The German be- 
lief concerning the child born on the harvest-field should be noted 
(Frazer, Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild,1,150-151).Another Aristo- 
phanic marriage of the same sort is that in the Birds between Peisthe- 
tairos and Basileia, an Argive name for Hera. Just as Peisthetairos 1s 
a quasi-Zeus and marries a quasi-Hera, so Trygaios is a quasi-Dionysos 
and marries a quasi-Persephone in the guise of Opora (cf. Cook, Essays 


and Studies Presented toW. Ridgeway, pp. 213,215). It will be observed 


1 72 K 
that the marriage of Trygaios and Opora follows closely upon her 
resurrection. This fact probably explains the presence of Erotes in - 
vase-paintings of the anodos of chthonic deity. The féte of the resur- 
rection of Attis was at the same time the féte of his sacred marriage 
(Graillot, Le Culte de Cybéle, p. 132). 

Cornford calls attention to the fact that a marriage with komos 
ends almost every play of Aristophanes and regards it as a survival 
from primitive ritual (Origin of Attic Comedy, p. 8). It is perhaps a 
fuller statement of fact to say that both the sacred marriage of the 
mysteries and the marriage in comedy are derived from the same 
source, namely a dramatic performance of the experiences of a fer- 
tility-god, but that the Aristophanic marriage contains much bur- 
lesque of the developed mystic marriage. The marriage came last in 
the mysteries. In Lucian’s description of a burlesque of the Eleusinian 
mysteries, the concluding episode is the marriage of the pseudomantis 
and Selene (Alex. 38-9). The order of events in the Peace, (1) 
resurrection, (2) marriage and (3) birth of a child, followed the se- 
quence of dramatic representation in the mysteries. 

Cornford in discussing the combination in ritual of the resurrec- 
tion of the mother with the birth of the child, who is the wealth and 
promise of the coming year, remarks that Peace does not appear in 
the comedy with a child as she does in the statue by Kephisodotos. 
It should however be noted that Opora, the companion of Peace in 
resurrection is given in marriage to Trygaios with instructions to bear 
grape-clusters, and this may be regarded as a variation of the motif. 
The birth of Botrys, ‘grape-clusters,’ is something more than an 
Aristophanic joke. There is a passage in the anonymous PAi/oso- 
phoumena which describes the supreme acts of the Eleusinian mys- 
teries as the revelation to the mystics of a fresh ear of grain reaped 
and the declaration of the birth of a sacred child Brimos. From the 
juxtaposition of these two rites, Miss Harrison (Prolegomena, p. 550) 
draws the conclusion that the birth of Brimos is simply the anthro- 
pomorphic version of the birth of grain (cf. Farnell, Cu/ts, III, 177). 
Miss Harrison finds the same idea expressed in a vase-painting (sid, 
p- 526) where the new born child rises from a cornucopia of fruits. 
The child is the fruit of the earth. Its name Beis is derived from the 


Hq 73 i 


root of Bpiéw, which occurs in the phrase Bpibouevn kapre. The revela- 
tion of the ear of grain reaped and the announcement of the birth of a 
child must have been very significant if they were the supreme acts 
of the mysteries. They could hardly have been of purely agrarian 
character. Since immortality was the gift of vegetation-deities of 
Eleusis and logically so, the conclusion is forced upon one that the 
two supreme acts of the mysteries were symbols of deep spiritual 
content. As the fruit of the earth was born again in the form of a 
child, so the mystics would be born again as little children to become 
immortal. The Eleusinian mystics witnessed in symbol their destiny 
after they should be cut down by death the reaper. 

Miss Harrison’s interpretation of Bpiyds seems then to find a strik- 
ing parallel in the Peace. As the Eleusinian Brimo gives birth to 
Brimos, the grain, so Opora the season of autumnal fruits is to give 
birth to Botrys, ‘grape-clusters.’ What is perhaps a sculptured rep- 
resentation of the latter pair has been found among the fragments 
of a gable-group which once decorated the Samothracian temple of 
‘ the Kabeiroi—a draped female figure holding a large bunch of grapes 
on her knee (Conze, Hauser, Niemann, Samothrake, I, pls. XX XVII, 
XXXVIII). One might in the language of Aristophanes call the 
woman Oporaand her child Botrys, especially as the poet has already 
in the Peace alluded to the Samothracian mysteries. 

In a mystic scene on a cinerary urn (Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 
547), the ears of grain spring from the head of Demeter (Brimo). 
Hence Brimos seems to have been born like Athena from the head 
of the divine parent. This is perhaps a motif surviving from Mycen- 
aean times for one of the shaft-graves contained a figure of the snake- 
goddess (?) from whose head plant-stalks spring (Schuchhardt, Sch/ie- 
mann’s Excavations, p.194, fig. 172). 

The marriage of Trygaios to Opora is of significance in another re- 
spect. They were married in the abode of Zeus in the region where 
Trygaios saw the souls of mortals as stars. It was a marriage in heav- 
en. The ancients had the idea of such marriage after death as 1s 
illustrated among other passages by the curious superstition pre- 
served in Artemidoros (Oneirocritica, 1, 80) that if a sick man dream 
of sexual association with a goddess, it is a sign of death. In other 


Hq 74 kK 


words the sick man is to leave this earth for a marriage in heaven. 
The belief in marriage in heaven is found in the creed of the Valen- - 
tinians: “The spirituals doffing their souls. . . . shall begiven as brides 
to the angels about the Saviour” (cf. Legge, Forerunners and Rivals 
of Christianity, II, p. 111). The Valentinian syzygy, Anthropos and 
Ekklesia, like that of Mercury and Philology in Martianus Capella 
resembles the Aristophanic Trygaios and Opora in that the male 
member of the pair is concrete and the female a personification of 
the abstract. The old superstition of marriage with earth-deity after 
death or with an hypostasis of earth-deity survives into modern times. 
A folk-song (Passow, Pop. Carm., no. 364) represents the dead man 
as taking the Black Earth (the Black Demeter?) for his bride. It is 
the reasonable view of Lawson (Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient 
Greek Religion, p. 603) that the ancient mysteries assured the initiate 
of wedlock with deity as the final satisfaction for close communion 
with his god. As such it naturally came last in the mysteries as it does 
in Lucian’s description of a parody of the Eleusinian in which Alex- 
ander marries Selene. 

In vv. 720-2 when Trygaios is ready to return to earth he learns 
from Hermes that his beetle has gone beneath the chariot of Zeus to 
carry lightning. The verse (722) is said by the scholiast to have been 
taken from the Bellerophon of Euripides, but even so could still be 
more than a line quoted in parody. This new function of the beetle 
is suggestive. When Zeus seated Zagreus upon his throne, he en- 
trusted him with his thunderbolts. In the Birds Peisthetairos, the new 
Zeus, wields the winged thunderbolt of the superseded god (1714). 
The new task of the beetle is to be considered in the light of an earlier 
reference in the Peace (v. 133) in which the beetle out of enmity for 
the eagle rolled out the eagle’s eggs. The beetle in both passages has 
a certain Dionysiac connotation and seems to allude to the encroach- 
ment of the beetle-god upon the eagle-god. In Egypt the beetle-god 
either became or was solar. The Airvatos xavOapos in bearing the 
lightning of Zeus, seems to bring with it something of the Dionysiac( ?) 
flash of Aetna (cf. Eurip. Bakchai, 1082-3). Perhaps Aristophanes is 
hinting at the displacement of Zeus by the Orphic Dionysos. Trygaios 
quotes Aesop as saying that the beetle was the only winged creature 


75K 


which reached the gods, as if the beetle had not originally been among 
them but had, like the Orphic Dionysos, gone up from earth to heaven. 

Upon the return of Trygaios to earth (833) his servants ask whether 
it is true that after death they become stars—a nice question in view 
of the belief that Dionysos himself was the leader of the fire-breath- 
ing stars (Soph. 4nt., 1147). Aristophanes is very probably making a 
thrust at an Orphic belief of Egyptian provenience. The Egyptian 
belief in the dead as stars was older than the Pyramid texts (Breasted, 
Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 101). In 
the cult of Isis the initiates were called “earthly stars.” Plato in the 
Republic (621B) speaks of souls that dart upward in generation like 
stars while it thunders. The reply of Trygaios to the question of his 
servants is in the nature of a revelation. In fact the journey to the 
abode of souls, this &vaBacts eis Atds, is the comic counterpart of an 
Orphic-Pythagorean kardBacts eis Avdov. Just as Orpheus in his de- 
scent to Hades recorded the punishments and Joys there, justas Pytha- 
goras (Diog. Laert. VIII, 19, 21) saw the soul of Hesiod bound to a 
bronze column, so Trygaios in his ascent to heaven saw the soul of 
Ion of Chios (835) in stellar form and reported what the souls of 
dithyrambic poets were doing. Itisa fair conclusion that the av4Bacrs 
of Trygaios is in part a satire on Orphic and kindred apocalyptic 
literature and that Trygaios is a thinly veiled Dionysos whose beetle 
displaced the eagle of Zeus and in whose service even Hermes enlisted. 
Trygaios was indeed owrip am actv &vOpmmots to whom the chorus might 


well say (915-17): 


n an > n 
TOV Oe@v del o HynodpecOa TpaTov. 





xX 


A POSSIBLE ALLUSION TO THE ERECHTHEION IN 
THE PEACE OF ARISTOPHANES 


In the Peace of Aristophanes discussed in the previous chapter, the 
reappearance of the goddess from the cave is followed by a significant 
passage (vv. 564-618). The verses in part are ostensibly in praise of 
Peace and the delights which the farmers are to enjoy when they re- 
turn to their farms, but there is a sequence of suggestions in the pas- 
sage which raises the question whether for the audience of Athenians 
Aristophanes alludes to a controversy which arose over the Erech- 
theion and which finally curtailed the original plan of the temple. 
For it is altogether probable, as Dorpfeld thinks, that the present 
asymmetrical Erechtheion is the result of conservative religious op- 
position to an encroachment of the proposed temple upon the Pan- 
‘droseion where grew the sacred olive of Athena. Close to the olive 
but within the present Erechtheion was the sacred well of Poseidon. 
It is equally certain that Pheidias had something to do with the plan 
of the Erechtheion, that he cared more about a magnificent balanced 
structure than he did for the well of Poseidon and the olive-tree of 
Athena. One may then find in this passage not only an allusion to 
the controversy but also possibly an intimation that the charges 
against Pheidias and Perikles arose out of that controversy. The pas- 
sage may now be considered in detail. In vv. 564-79 Aristophanes 
makes a clear reference to Poseidon, then to Athena, and finally to 
Poseidon and Athena together. In v. 564 Hermes at sight of the 
chorus of farmers with their trident-forks exclaims very appropriately 
& Iécerdov. The note sounded in Iécerdoy is repeated by Trygaios in 
Opivaxes (567), and again in rpracvody (570). Thus Poseidon is men- 
tioned and his attribute the trident is twice suggested in the short 
space of seven verses. The sequence Ilocevdov, Opivaxes, Tptavvodv Which 
makes Poseidon conspicuous is followed quickly (574) by an allusion 
to Poseidon’s rival Athena. The word zadaciwy a rare form for 
mahd.ory, taha6n means ‘cake of preserved fruit,’ mostly of figs but 


1 78 k 


also of olives. The name raddovor is nicely suggestive of Pallas to 
whom the olive was sacred. The play upon words is there and just as 
Opivaxes and rpraivoty suggest Poseidon, so the olive-cake rahdaovor 
suggests Pallas Athena. Then four verses later comes the mention 
together of the well and the olives. Trygaios bids the chorus remem- 
ber among the gifts of Peace the bed of violets beside the well and 
the olives for which they yearn. The words ¢péari and é\aép juxta- 
posed sum up the allusions separately made to Poseidon and Pallas 
Athena and show that through this short passage of sixteen verses 
Aristophanes was alluding to the great rival deities of Athens. The 
allusion could not have escaped the audience of Athenians who were 
perfectly familiar with the tradition of the great contest for the land 
of Attica in which Poseidon produced the well and Pallas Athena the 
olive. They had visited the Erechtheion and had seen both the well 
near the trident-mark of Poseidon and the olive-tree of Athena. They 
knew too that on the acropolis just above the theatre where they were 
sitting was a group in the western gable of the Parthenon com- — 
memorating that divine contest which was so conspicuous in the relig- 
ious traditions of the city. This gable-group representing Athena 
producing the olive and Poseidon the well had been set in place less 
than twenty years before the presentation of the comedy. Toan audi- 
ence thus informed, the sequence in the short space of sixteen verses 
of the words, Iécevdov, Opivaxes, Tpratvodr, raraclwy, dpéare and édadp 
could not fail to bring to mind the sacred tokens at the Erechtheion. 
It is significant that Trygaios speaks in terms of affection of the 
well and the olive. Poseidon and Athena were rarely ridiculed in 
comedy and Couat has justly remarked an Athenian sentiment of 
affection for the goddess. The mention of the well and the olive is fol- 
lowed by the words &v rofodyer “for which we yearn.” The well and 
the olive are the objects of especial concern not only for the farmer 
but also for the Athenian, and for the Athenian perhaps because the 
plans for the Periclean Erechtheion had threatened to violate their 
sanctity on the acropolis. That such allusion is in the air seems con- 
firmed by what follows in the comedy. After the reference to the 
tokens at the Erechtheion there comes a choral greeting to Peace and 
a request that Hermes tell where the goddess has been. Hermes replies, 


1 79 i 


in v. 605, that Pheidias through faring ill (tpaéas kax&s) was the pri- 
mary cause of the disappearance of the goddess and that Perikles 
fearing lest he share the fortunes of Pheidias, cast the spark of the 
Megarian decree. The large question here is to what does Aristo- 
phanes refer with the words rpdéas xax&s. The traditional charges 
against Pheidias for crimes alleged in or about the year 438 B.c. can 
hardly have brought on a war seven years later. These charges were 
mere pretexts but they reveal feelings of hostility in certain quarters 
toward Pheidias and his great friend Perikles. Now since both tradi- 
tional charges are of the nature of impiety, it is reasonable to suppose 
that they emanated from the priestly conservative class. What rea- 
son could the priesthood have had for their resentment ? The sequence 
of thought in the comedy gives a clue. From the well and the olive 
Aristophanes has turned suddenly to the plight of Pheidias. It was 
Pheidias who inspired the Periclean plan for the sumptuous decora- 
tion of the Athenian acropolis. His plans for the Erechtheion were 
made without due consideration for the sacred well and olive just as 
his plan for the Propylaia showed no respect for the sanctuaries of 
Artemis and Nike Apteros. The Phidian building scheme, which in- 
volved violation of these sanctuaries, was approved by Perikles. 
Pheidias was the original guilty genius and Perikles who had given 
him the general direction of construction shared logically enough in 
his guilt. The Aristophanic transition of thought is clear enough. From 
the well and the olive Aristophanes passes easily to the troubles of 
Pheidias which apparently began with his plan to violate the well 
and the olive, and then Aristophanes (v. 618), as if to hint at such an 
undercurrent of thought, says “Many things escape us.” 





XI 


SALMONEUS-SALMOXIS AND THE LYSIPPEAN 
PORTRAIT OF ALEXANDER 


THE discussion about Trygaios the gaper (v. supra, p. 51) and the 
devotees of Salmoxis showed that both threatened Zeus and that they 
therein resembled the Thessalian Salmoneus. This Salmoneus dwelt 
at first in Thessaly and later in Elis. Salmoxis and Salmoneus were 
both confused with Kronos and this confusion confirms their char- 
acter as predecessors or rivals of Zeus. Cook (Class. Rev. 1903, p. 
276) notes this confusion in the case of Salmoneus while it is proved 
for Salmoxis by the ancient lexicographers (Etym. Mag.; Hesych.s. v. 
Zaduokts). 

The fact that Salmoxis came from Samos which colonized Samo- 
thrace (Etym. Mag. s. v. Zapodpaxn) makes it probable that this 
‘Thracian god of immortality was akin to the Kabeiroi, the Samo- 
thracian gods of immortality and that Salmoxis shared the Phoenician 
provenience of the Kabeiroi. Herodotos (IV, 94) tells us that another 
name for Salmoxis was I'eSedéifts which the commentators pronounce 
a puzzle. The first part of this name is almost certainly the same as 
Gebal, ‘hill,’ the Phoenician town whose name in Greek was Byblos. 
There is a tradition that this sacred city was founded by Kronos 
(Eusebios, Praep. Evang. 1, 10, 19) with whom Salmoxis was anciently 
identified. 

The connections of Salmoneus, the congener of Salmoxis, with 
Phoenicia are equally certain. The name Salmoneus is the same as 
the Phoenician Shalman. It is further akin to Salmonion the name 
given to an eastern headland of Crete (cf. Philologus, 1908 (67), p. 
164; Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. Zadywovn). Shalman appears as Led apyayns in 
Greek inscriptions of the first and second centuries which were found 
in a Syrian sanctuary. In these inscriptions Selamanes occurs regu- 
larly in company with Zeus Madbachos (Prentice, Hermes, 1902 (37), 
pp- 98 ff.). The joint dedications in these inscriptions may mean 
that the dedicator took care not to offend either of two rivals Sela- 


H 82 ft 

manes (Kronos) and Zeus Madbachos. It will be recalled from Hero- 
dotos that in time of thunder the devotees of Salmoxis threatened . 
Zeus (76 6e), and from Apollodoros (I, 9, 7) that Salmoneus claimed 
he was Zeus. The dedicators of the Syrian inscriptions, aware of this 
hostile rivalry, wisely included both rivals in their dedications. Hero- 
dotos adds that the Getai believed that there was no other god but 
Salmoxis—an illiberal feeling which may have hada Phoenician pro- 
venience, for “the superstitions of Syria made the tutelary divinity 
of each nation or sect the sole god of heaven, condemning those of all 
other races” (King, Gnostics, p. 173). 
_ But if Salmoxis and his congener Salmoneus are akin to the Ka- 
beiroi, with which Kabeirosare they to be identified ? The secretnames 
of the four Kabeiroi were Axieros (Demeter), Axiokersa (Persephone), 
Axiokersos (Hades), and Kasmilos (Hermes). The first three form a 
close triad which suggests the Eleusinian while the name Kasmilos 
stands by itself. Kasmilos must have been one of the two Kabeiroi 
whose remarkable deed is recorded by Clement (Protrep. I, 19). Two 
of the Kabeiroi slew their brother Dionysos and then carried to 
Etruria a chest containing the aidotoy of the slain god which they 
taught the Etruscans to worship. The messenger to Etruria, Kas- 
milos, became a messenger in Etruria. A scholiast on Lykophron 
(162) says: Kadutdos 6 ‘Epufjs év Tuppnvia where the reference is un- 
questionably to the Samothracian Hermes (cf. Schneider, Ca/limachea, 
IT, p. 584). 

This Kasmilos became a figure in marriage-ceremonies. Varro (De 
L. L. VII, 34) says that the one who at marriages carries a chest the 
contents of which are unknown to most is called cami//us and adds 
that hence a certain attendant of the great gods in the Samothracian 
mysteries is called Casmilus. Varro thinks this name is Greek be- 
cause he found it in the poems of Kallimachos—a good place to find 
the name because the Alexandria of the early Ptolemies was devoted 
to the Samothracian cult. The appearance of the mystic Kasmilos in 
marriage rites is not surprising. Synesios (Migne, P. G. LXVI, Ep. 3) 
tells of a custom of crowning the married with a turret as Kybele. 
The resemblances between marriage-rites and initiation have been 
discussed by Reinach (Cultes,?1, 310). Both Kybele and Hermes were 


1 83 k 
in origin fertility-deities and that is sufficient explanation of their 
connection with marriage-rite. 

Kasmilos of Samothrace then carried the aidotov of Dionysos to 
Etruria where it was worshipped in a fertility-cult, and passed with 
its bearer into the ceremony of marriage with the same significance. 
Reproduction and resurrection were two closely associated ideas in 
ancient mystic thinking and hence even today in some parts of Italy 
bread of phallic form is passed about at Easter time. Kasmilos, call- 
ed Hermes, was first a Kabeiros of reproduction and then of resur- 
rection. He mutilated Dionysos just as Kronos mutilated Ouranos. 
Kasmilos might perhaps have been called a younger Dionysos. It 
may be objected that Kasmilos cannot be equated with Salmoxis be- 
cause Kasmilos does not appear as a rival of Zeus but the murder of 
Dionysos would put him in the class of the Titans who like Sal- 
moxis and Salmoneus were opposed to Zeus. The conjecture seems 
warranted that the Thracian Salmoxis, the Samothracian Kasmilos, 
and the gaping Dionysos of Samos are in origin one and thesame god. 
‘It may be that a gaping resentment toward Zeus was a feature of 
their cults and was enacted in their ritual. It is this gaping god that 
Aristophanes parodies in the person of Trygaios who is represented 
in the Peace looking up to heaven and reviling Zeus. 

But what light does this discussion of gods hostile to Zeus throw 
upon the Lysippean portrait of Alexander? Plutarch (De dex. Fort. 
et Virt. II, 2) tells us that Lysippos was the first to represent Alex- 
ander looking up to the sky as Alexander was wont to do: aérw 
BrXéT0vTA TH Tp0THTW TOs TOY ovpavdr. The portrait inspired a con- 
temporary poet to say that Alexander seems to look to Zeus bidding 
him hold Olympos while he, Alexander, rules the earth: 


a ra 
avdacovvTt 6 eouxev 6 xaXKeos eis Aia Nelboowr 
a > an bh 9 
Tap im éyol ridewav Zed, ob & ’OdvpTop Exe. 


The note of defiance in the verse reflecting an expression of defiance 
in the portrait acquires large significance when considered in connec- 
tion with the resentful defiant gods of the type of Salmoneus. As 
Salmoneus hurled defiance at Zeus so the Alexander of the Lysippean 
portrait and of the verse which it inspired, hurled defiance at Zeus. 


84 kh 

The peculiar position in which Alexander held his head was not due 
to physical infirmity since the peculiarity was imitated by contem-. 
poraries and successors. The ancient references to it are collected by 
Schreiber (Studien tiber das Bildniss Alexanders des Grossen, p. 10). 
Alexander was impersonating a deity that defied Zeus. His fondness 
of impersonation of gods is shown by Athenaios (XII, 537E-F’) who 
tells us that Alexander assumed now the attributes of Ammon wear- 
ing horns like the god, now those of Artemis with bow and hunting- 
spear rising above his shoulder, or again those of Hermes, the petasus 
and caduceus. Frequently he assumed the guise of Herakles as he did 

in coin-types. This imitation of deity had long been in the air. Homer 
applied such adjectives as iaé6eos to his heroes. When Kroisos mounted 
the funeral pyre he was seeking the death of the divine founder of the 
Lydian dynasty called the Herakleidai or Sandonides. Now Alex- 
ander grew up in an atmosphere of devotion to the Kabeiroi of 
Samothrace because his parents were both initiated into the mys- 
teries of the cult. Lactantius (Div. Inst. 1, 15,8) mentions the worship © 
of Kabeiros in Macedonia. It is then very probable that Alexander 
was represented by Lysippos in the guise of a Kabeiros who like 
Salmoneus and the worshippers of Salmoxis defied Zeus, and that this 
Kabeiros was the younger Kabeiros, Kasmilos. The portraits of Alex- 
ander have the shaggy locks of Zeus which well become a rival of 
that god. 

Lysippos gave Alexander one characteristic of the defiant rival of 
Zeus, the upward gaze; Apelles gave him another, the thunderbolt, 
in his famous painting at Ephesos which Pliny describes (NV. H. 
XXXV, 92). Thus Lysippos and Apelles together gave Alexander 
the two striking characteristics of Salmoneus in the vase-painting, 
the defiant upward gaze and the thunderbolt. Both artists had studied - 
at Sikyon; both worked at the court of Alexander; both flattered his 
religious vanity by giving him the two essential features of his mys- 
tic god. Slight wonder that the name Keraunos was given to the son 
of Ptolemy because of his exceeding daring (61a 76 &yay toNunpdy) ac- 
cording to Pausanias. The adjective roAunpds was equally appropriate 
to Salmoneus who hurled the thunderbolt in imitation of Zeus and for 
so doing was laid low. The name Keraunos in a family devoted to the 


1 85 k 
Samothracian mysteries as were the Ptolemies would seem to be but 
another version of the thunderbolt which Apelles painted in the hand 
of Alexander at Ephesos. The opposition to Zeus of rivals and prede- 
cessors was an important feature of mystic cults centering about 
Samothrace. 

The interest of the family of Alexander in Salmoneus is attested 
by the construction of the Philippeion within the Altis at Olympia. 
It is curious that Philip chose the sanctuary in western Peloponnesos 
for the site of his round building rather than one nearer the scene of 
his victory. The suggestion that Philip’s reason was to pose as the 
hero of Olympia (cf. Miss Harrison, Themts, p. 259) raises the ques- 
tion as to the identity of the hero. Now Salmoneus who was confused 
with Kronos went from Thessaly to Elis and there established a 
town. Euripides in the 4zo/os (Frag. 14N) tells how Salmoneus hurled 
fire as he raged by the streams of Alpheios. The Macedonian imper- 
sonators of this deity logically chose the greatest sanctuary of Elis 
in which to erect a round building for their statues. The associations 
‘of their defiant god with Elis made Olympia rather than Delphi the 
logical site for this building which was not a treasury but a shrine for 
the self-deifying kings of Macedon. The example of Philip was fol- 
lowed by another Macedonian, Arsinoé, the wife of Ptolemy, who 
erected a round building in the Samothracian Kabeirion. Thus both 
of these important structures, the significance of which is enhanced 
by their round form, stood where was localized or had been localized 
the cult of the rival of Zeus, called Salmoneus in the one case and 
Kasmilos in the other. Where the cult of their deity was localized, 
Philip and Alexander might well set up their own statues as imper- 
sonators of that deity. 

The form of the building was that of the ¢holos of Asklepios with 
interior columns, and quite naturally, for Plato (Charmides, 156D) 
tells us that Salmoxis was a god of healing. The temple of Sebadius 
significantly placed on the hill Zilmissus (Zalmoxis ?) in Thrace was 
a round hypaethral building (Macrobius, Sat. XVIII, 11). The form of 
the Philippeion is to be compared also with that of the round sanctua- 
ries of the Thracian Dionysos (v. Perdrizet, Cultes et Mythes de Pangée, 
p- 43; cf. B. C. H. 1921, p. 106) and appears to have been transmitted 


86 i 


to later times. The great Sassanian temple at Ganzaca, the royal 
city of Azerbiyan, which was destroyed by Heraclius, was a spherical - 
building containing the idol of Chosroes, an image of himself en- 
throned as in heaven with sun, moon, and stars which he worshipped. 
Angels stood about him like sceptre-bearers. A certain mechanism 
dropped water in imitation of rain and produced sounds like thunder 
(cf. King, Gnostics, p. 423). This reads like a story of Salmoneus in- 
doors. The pagan circular sanctuaries were also the prototype of the 
Christian. Sepp recognized the continuity from the Marneion to the 
round churches built by Constantine and Helena in Jerusalem over 
the Holy Sepulchre and on the mount of Olives. The Marneion at 
Gaza in Palestine was dedicated to Marnas who was identified with 
the Cretan Zeus by early Christian writers (Ramsay and Bell, The 
Thousand and One Churches (1909), p. 429). 


XII 
THE MAGIC KANTHARA 


In a description of the procession of Isis which set forth from the 
gates of Kenchreai, Apuleius mentions a likeness of the supreme deity 
(Metam. XI, 11). The image resembled no living form but yet “was 
revered as that unspeakable evidence of the religion which should be 
veiled in complete silence.” The image was an urn (urnula) with carv- 
ed decorations. On the handle was a snake lifting its scaly neck. 
This description although written about 170 A.D. raises the ques- 
tion whether in the Dionysiac cult which likewise offered its devotees 
the hope of future life, Dionysos was not also conceived under the 
form of his vase, the kantharos. The heresiarch Cubricus assumed 
the name of Manes which means ‘vessel’ for the same reason that St. 
Paul was called the vas electionts (Acts, 1X, 15;cf. King, Gnostics,p. 42). 
St. Augustine also had put the question Qui est vas vitae, nisi 
Christus? Is it not possible that St. Augustine’s question was prompt- 
ed by a similar pagan question, Qui est vas vitae, nist Dionysus? In 
pagan mystic cups the liquid was the wine-blood. “May this wine 
become the blood of Osiris” says a love-charm which probably re- 
flects the ritual of the Alexandrian temples. A papyrus gives the 
words of consecration: ““Thou art wine, yet thou art not wine, but 
the members of Osiris” (Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, 
I, pp. 87-88; v. supra p. 42). 

There was a hero named Kantharos who according to a scholiast 
on Aristophanes (ad. Pac. 144) gave his name to one of the harbors 
at the Peiraeus. This hero according to Lenormant (dun. d. Inst. 
1832, p. 314) 1s like Askos and Amphoreus, the companions of Diony- 
sos. In Aristophanes (Ran. 22) Dionysos is called the son of Stamnios. 
There is then sufficient evidence for Dionysiac figures with names of 
wine-vessels whether these names were given in fun or not. It is quite 
possible that the hero Kantharos is simply a hypostasis of Diony- 
sos, a possibility strengthened by the names of the other two harbors 
at the Peiraeus, Zea and Aphrodision, which likewise suggest fertility. 


I 88 k 
Dionysos under the form of Kantharos would be a suitable third in 
such a group, and the three harbors would then have names sugges- _ 
tive in a general way of the Eleusinian triad. It will be recalled that 
the Dionysiac Trygaios proposed to sail into the harbor of Kantharos 
and that the Eleusinian mystics performed certain rites of purifica- 
tion in it (Plutarch, Phocion, 28). 

If the name of the sacred Dionysiac cup, kantharos, was also a 
name for the god Dionysos, then the name Kanthara in a Greek. 
magic papyrus becomes at once clear. The papyrus (Kenyon, Greek 
Papyri in the British Museum (1893), p. 77) is dated in the fourth 
century after Christ but its content is earlier. It contains an appeal to 
Hermes guide of spirits which is followed by appellatives of chthonic 


character as follows: 


Huesemigadon, Ortho Baubo, noe odere soire soire 
Kanthara, Ereschchigal, sankiste, dodekakiste. 


Legge (Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I, 99) discusses all the 
proper names in this magic spell except Kanthara. Huesemigadon is 
an epithet of Pluto, ruler of the underworld, Baubo is an Eleusinian 
hypostasis of Persephone and possibly of Lydian origin. (cf. Darem- 
berg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v.) Ereschchigal isa Sumerian name for 
the goddess of the nether world. It is obvious that Kanthara is in 
decidedly chthonic company and is therefore very probably chthonic 
herself. But we have already seen that Kantharos is with equal prob- 
ability another name for Dionysos. The conclusion then is reasonable 
that Kanthara is but the feminine of Kantharos, namely Persephone 
the consort of the underworld Dionysos. Kantharos and Kanthara 
are probably mystic names for a Greek pair of deities of resurrection 
and immortality, and appropriately take their names from the signifi- 
cant cup, the vas vitae. It is towards the kantharos that the soul-ser- 
pent of the Spartan s¢e/ai rises to drink the wine-blood of immortality 
as the snake on the handle of the sacred urn of Isis also rose to drink 
apparently of its life-giving contents. 


XII 
KANTHAROS AND KALLIKANTZAROS 


In a very detailed discussion of the kallikantzaroi, Lawson (Modern 
Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion, pp. 190 ff.) comes to 
the conclusion that these creatures of popular imagination whose 
deeds range from the malicious and deadly to the prankish are faith- 
ful reproductions of the satyrs and sileni that attended Dionysos, 
that they were originally men and that their name is a compound of 
kadés and kavrfapos which is to be derived from xévravpos. A deriva- 
tion of the second element from x4v@apos proposed by Coraés, Law- 
son rejects because semantically unsatisfactory, a “beautiful beetle” 
or a “good beetle” having nothing to do with the kallikantzaros of 
modern superstition. 

_ Phonetically the derivation of xévrfapos from KavAapos is much 
easier than it is from xévravpos. But the important consideration 
which militates against Lawson’s derivation is “the very common 
tradition that the ka//ikantzaroi come from the lower world at Christ- 
mas and are driven back there by the purification at Epiphany” 
(Lawson, ibid. p. 207). Thus for a large part of the year they live in 
the lower world, a fact which gives them a chthonic Dionysiac char- 
acter not obviously consistent with the centaur from which they are 
assumed to have been named. But Lawson contends that xévravpos 
was a comprehensive name which might have been applied to satyrs 
and other hybrid creatures of the Dionysiac train (cf. Miss Harrison, 
Prolegomena, p. 381). 

The etymology of Coraés offers in reality no semantic difficulty. 
In previous chapters it has been shown that the kantharos is peculiarly 
Dionysiac, that the “‘beetle-cup”’ like the beetle or scarab in Egypt 
was very probably a mystic symbol of resurrection and immortality. 
In the fourth century St. Ambrose of Milan, once a Valentinian, 
found it expedient to refer to Christ as the “beetle on the cross” 
(scarabaeus in cruce). Further Kantharos and Kanthara were almost 
certainly mystic and magic names for Dionysos and his consort Per- 


H 9° k 

sephone and were derived from x4v@apos in the sense of “‘beetle- cup” 
or vas vitae. Hence the xaddcxavrfapou were very logically named if © 
the second element of their name is x4v@apor. They were euphemis- 
tically called “good kantharoz” 1. e. good Dionysoi. It is of impor- 
tance to bear in mind in this connection that the ka//ikantzaroi came 
at Christmas from the lower world, 1. e. that they were resurrected 
like their prototype Dionysos. Their day of rebirth was apparently 
changed under Christian influence to the Mithraic birthday of the 
sun. 

There exists a synonym of xavrfapos which in form is apparently a 
diminutive, 1. e. oxarfdpu. The initial sibilant of this variant is prob- 
ably due to analogy within congeneric substantives. Another ancient 
Greek word for ‘beetle’ xépaBos had a collateral form *oxapaBews (cf. 
Lt. scarabaeus). A proportion might be set down thus: xavrfapos: 
oxarfape:: KapaBos: *cxapaPews. Lhe intimacy of xavOapos and xdpaBos 
is further shown by coincidence in meanings. In addition to the pri- 
mary meaning “‘beetle’”’ they both have a secondary meaning “boat.” 
The form oxaddcxavrfapos (Lawson, ibid. p. 214) is also due to anal- 
ogy but the word kaddcxdy7fapos has been felt as a unit and the 
sibilant prefixed to the adjective instead of to the noun where it be- 
longs. An ancient quasi-parallel would be éxpq» which ceased to be 
felt as a compound of xp4 and 4» and which was therefore given a 
second augment. 


XIV 
DIONYSOS AND THE CRETAN GAPER 


THE discussion in a previous chapter of the gaping Trygaios and 
Dionysos prompts an inquiry into the significance of the word kexnvas 
as applied to the Samian Dionysos. The key to the explanation of 
this curious appellation very probably lies in the modern Cretan 
superstition as to the caraxavas or vampire. In a chapter of large 
permanent value, Lawson (Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek 
Religion, pp. 361, ff.) gives a detailed account of the karaxavas and 
reaches the conclusion that the ancient Greek element in the super- 
stition is the belief that the human body sometimes remains incor- 
ruptible in the earth and is liable to resuscitation. 

The name xaraxavas is derived from the root xa, “to gape.”’ Now 

among those who are liable to become gapers or vampires are persons 

who have met with sudden or violent death. If not avenged they 
resort to violence against their nearest of kin. A passage in Plato’s 
Laws (865D-66) is cited by Lawson to show the antiquity of the con- 
ceit. The subject is unintentional homicide. The slain man is angry 
and if not avenged by his nearest of kin he will turn upon this kins- 
man. A vase-painting (Jahrbuch des kais. Deut. Arch. Inst. 1893, pl. 
I) represents a gaping soul-snake rising from a slain body towards 
the slayer, a scene which reminds one of Porphyry’s statement that 
the souls of men violently slain cling to their bodies (De Abstinentia, 
II, 47). But the superstition is far older than Plato who probably 
drew it from Delphic sources because he had just mentioned Delphi 
as authority in matters of purification from blood-guilt. 

There are certain resemblances between the modern xaraxavas 
and the Samian Dionysos who was called xexnvs. Both met with a 
violent death, Dionysos being slain and torn to pieces by the Titans. 
Both were resurrected, Dionysos from his tomb at Delphi. Both were 
called “‘gapers.” In Chios the xaraxavas was confused with the 
kaddkdvrs apos (Lawson, 7did. p. 381,n.1), and the latter is obviously 
Dionysiac. The xaraxavas threatened violence against his nearest 


1 92 k 

of kin and it would appear from the Samian cult of Salmoxis, a 
hypostasis of Dionysos, that the Samian gaper also threatened Zeus — 
(v. supra, p. 51). That Dionysos called for vengeance may be in- 
ferred too from the fact that his Egyptian counterpart Osiris called 
for vengeance. Such is the inference from a passage in the Pyramid 
texts in which Horus the son of Osiris calls upon his father saying: 
“T have smitten for thee him who smote thee. I have avenged thee, 
King Osiris Mernere” (cf. Breasted, Development of Religion and 
Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 160). Zeus was the father of Dionysos 
and it was Zeus who killed the Titan murderers of his son with his 
thunderbolts and ordered Apollo to collect the scattered members of 
the god and bury them at Delphi. Until the vengeance of Zeus was 
accomplished (Firmicus, De Errore, VI, 3: reverso [out filia ordinem 
facinoris exponit) Dionysos was a karaxavas. | 

The violence of the human gaper or karaxavas is explained by Law- 
son as due to the eagerness of the reanimated dead to obtain dissolu- 
tion and consequent future bliss. This explanation will serve equally 
well for the violence of the divine xaraxavas, the experience of the 
slain mortal being that of his slain god. So soon as they had been 
avenged they could quit this earth for the blessedness of the other 
world. 

The act of gaping which characterized both the mortal and the 
divine xaraxavas is explained also by the desire to quit the earthly 
body. From Homeric times to the present day the Greek has be- 
lieved that the soul at death passed out through the mouth. Lawson 
(<bid. p. 111) cites a folksong in which Charos says to a shepherd 
“Open thy mouth that I may take thy soul.”’ Dionysos kexnvas like 
the modern Cretan xarayavas harbored a reluctant soulinareluctant 
body and in sign thereof kept his mouth open as if to facilitate the 
escape of the soul and to hasten the perfect peace which it craved. 
It may be that the Egyptian ceremony called “opening of the mouth” 
which preceded the placing of the scarab over the heart of the deceased 
was inspired by the same conception (Book of the Dead, chap. 30). 

The xaraxavas has survived in Crete from primitive times. It was 
in Crete that was localized the violent death of Zagreus-Dionysos, 
and the ancient Cretan seemed best qualified to purify of bloodguilt, 


I 93 k 


for Athens summoned Epimenides from Crete to purify the city after 
the murder of Kylon. Crete was apparently the home of the “gaper”’ 
and the place where the means of satisfying him were best under- 
stood. 

The borderland between the mortal and the divine xaraxavas is 
vaguely defined. The Orphic prediction “Thou shalt be god instead 
of mortal” really unites them. The identification of the dead with 
deity appeared very early in Egypt. Osiris had to submit to a last 
judgment like a mortal and had to be justified (Foucart, Les Mystéres 
da’ Eleusis, p. 84). Complete identity of the dead pharaoh with Osiris 
is set forth in the Pyramid texts. The dead king did all that Osiris 
did (Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, 
p- 145). 

There should then be no hesitation in regarding the ckataxavas of 
modern Greek superstition as originally a replica or counterpart in 
idea of the Samian Dionysos kexnvas. 









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XV 


KANTHAROS AND CHEPERA 


THE several meanings of x4v@apos have been noted in a commentary 
on the Aristophanic play upon the word. Meyer (Griech. Etym., II, 
P- 310, Ss. V. ka vOapos) is inclined to believe that there is just one word 
xav0apos the origin of which is obscure. The primary meaning of this 
word is almost certainly “beetle.’” Why the cup of Dionysos should 
have received the name xdvr9apos, “beetle-cup,” is a question which 
the form of the cup might answer. There was perhaps a fancied re- 
semblance between the curved handles rising above the lip of the cup 
and the curved forelegs of the beetle. The use of the word as a name 
for a Dionysiac hero may be merely a personification of the Dionysiac 
“cup (v. supra, p. 88). 

The beetle itself apparently played no part in the cult of Dionysos, 
but a suggestion of association of some sort with the beetle lies in the 
uses of the word just discussed. It is a curious coincidence that the 
beetle in Greece should give its name to the Dionysiac cup of immor- 
tality while in Egypt it was the symbol of resurrection and immortality 
(v. Hall, Catalogue of Scarabs in the British Museum, p. XVIII). Both 
the beetle and the god whom this insect represented were called 
“Chepera” by the Egyptians (Budge, The Mummy, p. 234). One is 
reminded of x40 apos, beetle,’ and Kav6apos, the proper name. Chepera 
was sometimes represented as a hybrid consisting of a human body 
surmounted by a beetle, and standing ina boat. Pliny (V. H. XXX, 99) 
tells us that a great portion of Egypt worshipped the beetle as one of 
the gods of the country. Porphyry (de dbstinentia, IV, 9) says it was 
venerated as an image of the sun. The mystic character of Chepera is 
apparent in the Pyramid texts which tell of King Pepi shining in the 
east like Ra and going in the west like Chepera (Breasted, Develop- 
ment of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 122). Thesun-barque 
was a mystic ship for the deceased pharaoh. Perhaps Chepera gave 


I 96 i 
his name to the barque just as Isis gave her name to a sacred boat, 
just as Kantharos possibly gave his to the Naévoupyijs xavOapos in - 
which Trygaios proposed to sail. 

The important symbol of personal resurrection, the scarab, has 
been found in prehistoric Egyptian graves (Petrie, Scarabs (1917), p. 
2) and reached Greece in the pre-Hellenic age, for examples have 
come to light in Cretan graves of the first Minoan period (AeXrioz, 
1918, pls. [V—V; pp. 55-6). Furtwangler (4ntike Gemmen, III, p.79) 
did not believe that the Egyptian conception of the scarab followed 
it to Greece. But in a series of scarabs which Furtwangler assigned to 
Etruria there is represented a head or body rising from the ground in 
what is possibly a scene of resurrection. Foucart (Le Cultede Dionysos 
en Attique, p. 12; Les Mystéres d’ Eleusis (1914), p. 23) believes that 
the inhabitants of Greece in the Mycenaean epoch attributed a magic 
power to the scarab which was buried with the dead. He further 
observes that every detail of scarabs found at Eleusis occurs in Egyp- 
tian scarabs. The scarabs found at the Heraion were dedications to 
the Argive Hera who was a goddess of birth and rebirth. Hesychios 
(s. v.) says that xav8apos was a name of a ring worn by priests. A gem 
like a scarab must be intended and as a priestly ring it must have 
had a religious significance. According to Aelian (7. 4. X, 15) Egyp- 
tian soldiers wore rings with the beetle engraved upon them but 
Aelian says in explanation of the custom that men fighting for their 
country should always be men and like the beetle have no part in 
female nature. 

In a discussion of the heart-scarab, Hall (Catalogue of Scarabs in the 
British Museum, p. X1X) finds the relation of the scarab to the heart 
somewhat obscure. A possible explanation is that from the heart the 
entire body might be produced. This happened to Dionysos. When 
the Titans tore Dionysos-Zagreus to pieces Athena rescued his heart 
which was swallowed by Semele. Semele then gave birth to the new 
Dionysos (Lobeck, Aglaophamus, pp. 559-561). Monceaux’s con- 
clusion is that the heart of Zagreus was buried beneath the ompha- 
los or tripod at Delphi and that Zagreus was resurrected from it 
(Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. Orpheus, p. 250). It was the 
Egyptian belief that the heart was the seat of the soul: 4 kapdta kar’ 


97 k 


Aiyurrious Wuxfs mepiBoros (Horapollon, Hierog/. I, 7; v. Roscher, 
Omphalos, p. 31). The heart was the only internal organ among the 
fourteen parts torn from the body of Osiris (Foucart, Le Culte de 
Dionysos, p. 140). The belief in the importance of the heart in resur- 
rection has survived in modern Greece as may be seen from the 
treatment given a corpse which was suspected of being a vampire. The 
body was dug up, the heart torn outand boiled toshreds or cut topieces. 
When this had been done the vampire did not come again to afflict 
the living (v. Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Re- 
ligion, p. 371). The scarab as a symbol of personal immortality was 
logically closely associated with the heart, the épunrjpior puxFs. 
The symbolism of the beetle finds striking expression in a letter of 
St. Ambrose, where he alludes to Christ as “the beetle on the cross” 
(Budge, The Mummy, p. 233, n. 2). The larger significance of this 
allusion is obvious. The Egyptian conception of the god of resurrec- 
tion as a beetle carried to Italy by the migration of Oriental religions 
after the conquests of Alexander, is here applied by St. Ambrose 
‘to the Christian god of resurrection. St. Ambrose before his conver- 
sion was a Valentinian and Valentinus was a native of Egypt. St. 
Ambrose thus predisposed by early associations toan Egyptian touch 
in his phraseology sought to attract the devotees of Egyptian cult by 
using a familiar term. One is reminded of Hadrian’s epistle which he 
wrote from Alexandria in 124, in which he said that those who wor- 
ship Serapis are Christians and those who call themselves bishops of 
Christ are vowed to Serapis (Script. Hist. dug. XXITX, p. 8). 
Chepera, the beetle-god, was a sun-god. Now the Orphics who were 
much indebted to Egyptian eschatology identified their chthonic 
Dionysos, their god of immortality, with the sun. This theocrasia is 
the exact counterpart of the fusion of the Egyptian chthonic Osiris 
with the sun-god Ra. The fusion of Dionysos with the sun found ex- 
pression in the gables of the temple of Apollo at Delphi where the 
subject of the eastern had to do with Apollo and the western with 
Dionysos. Further, both Chepera and Dionysos sailed in a boat. Por- 
phyry (De Antro Nympharum, 10) tells us that the Egyptians placed 
their deities upon a boat, even the sun, and all those who are to be 
present at the flight upon the moist element of souls which descend 


I 98 i 
in generation. Dionysos bore the appellative redayos and is repre- 
sented in a vase-painting by Exekias as sailing over the sea. 

There are then some points of contact between the Egyptian sun- 
god whose attribute was the beetle, and Dionysos, whose attribute 
was the beetle-cup. Beetle and beetle-cup seem both to have been 
symbols of resurrection and immortality. Is it possible that the Greek 
word xavOapos was a corruption of the Egyptian Chepera? 


XVI 
HERAKLES AND DIONYSOS 


THERE are many indications that Herakles and Dionysos had orig- 
inally much in common. Herakles was in the beginning a fertility- 
daimon. He appears in vase-painting holding the kantharos of Diony- 
sos (Furtwangler-Reichhold, Griechische Vasenmalerei, pl. 24), or 
dragging satyrs in leash or leading a sphinx (Walters, History of Greek 
Pottery, II, p. 103). In the frieze of the Siphnian treasury, he advances 
at the side of Kybele. He presented the double axe to Omphale and 
remained with her three years so that one wonders whether Kybele 
and Omphale are not two names for the same earth-goddess and Her- 
akles her consort. His counterpart Adar-Sandan armed with the 
double-axe attends Ishtar and her lions in a relief at Pterion (cf. 
Vellay, Le Culte d’ Adonis, p. 35). Omphale appears to have migrated 
‘from Thessaly to Lydia (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Sandas, p. 326) and 
this migration may explain why Herakles endeavored to make off 
with the Delphic tripod. The oracle was to move with a people who 
felt that they had a traditional claim to it. That Herakles-Sandan 
should attempt to remove the tripod was natural enough in view of 
his prominence in Lydian cult which found a naive expression in the 
act of Kroisos. Bakchylides tells us that Kroisos voluntarily mounted 
the pyre to perish in the flames. Now the reason why he chose to die 
in this way is clear. He wanted to die as his god Herakles had died 
who was the founder of the earliest Lydian dynasty. The Macedon- 
ian Alexander was guided by the same principle when he assumed 
the attributes of Herakles likewise the founder of his dynasty. Al- 
though Herakles failed to get the tripod for the Lydians, their attach- 
ment toit continued as was shown by the consultations and generous 
bequests of Kroisos. The name of the consort of Herakles, "Onan, 
must be a feminine form of éu¢anés, which has distinctly Dionysiac 
associations. The omphalos at Delphi was the tomb of Dionysos. 
The intimacy of Herakles and Dionysos is attested by a curious 
passage in Lucian (Vera Hist. A, 7) who in his fanciful island in the 


Ico ff 


west found an inscription upon a pillar which read “As far as this 
came Herakles and Dionysos.” This is not all imagination. Lucian ~ 
very probably had in mind a tradition that both had gone west like 
their remote congener the Egyptian Chepera. There is something 
mystic about their journey—a visit perhaps to the abode of souls in 
the west. It is possibly an earlier version or a parallel version of their 
descent to the abode of the dead, for both Herakles and Dionysos 
after their initiation at Eleusis descended to Hades (Foucart, Les 
Mystéres d Eleusis, p. 389). Herakles appears with Eleusinian deities 
in a vase-painting from Kerch which represents him holding an object 
that was carried by mystics (Furtwangler-Reichhold, Griechisché 
Vasenmalerei, pl. 70). It will be recalled in this connection that Her- 
akles descended to Hades to bring up Alkestis and that Dionysos 
brought up Semele. Their descent to Hades and their return con- 
tained the promise for their devotees of a similar descent and return 
or resurrection. 

A comic variant of the descent to the nether world is found in the 
Frogs of Aristophanes who represents Dionysos as descending in the 
guise of Herakles to bring up Euripides. That Dionysos should act 
as judge of the dispute between the dramatic poets is doubly appro- 
priate in view of his chthonic character and his connection with the 
drama. 

The journey of Herakles to the west to attack Geryon and drive 
off his cattle seems like a legend tinged in its origins with mysticism, 
for Geryon has distinct chthonic character. In an Etruscan sepul- 
chral painting (Mon. del. Inst. 1X, pl. 15) he stands before Aitas, 
the Etruscan Hades. The Etruscan form of his name is Kelun, which 
is obviously a variant of Geryon (Tepvoveds). Kelun in this scene is 
awaiting orders from Aitas who wears the cap of Hades. Geryon is 
perhaps a superannuated and dethroned chthonic deity. His triple 
body seems to be the anthropomorphic successor of the dog Kerberos. 
Mythology has it that the triple-headed dog of Geryon was akin to 
Kerberos. The cap of Hades is called in Homer the ’Acdos xvvén 1. V, 
845) and the traditional derivation of xvvéy is from xbwv (v. Ebeling, 
Lex. Hom. s. v.). It is possible that Hades got this dog-head cap from 
a canine predecessor. The original guardian of thenether world would 


W tor | 

then be a dog, triple-headed perhaps like Kerberos. He was succeeded 
by Geryon or Kelun as the anthropomorphic version of the guardian, 
and then Geryon in turn was subjected to Hades, who wore the cap 
in indication of the succession. The dog-head cap, like the favorite 
oath of Sokrates wa rév xbva, recalls a time when the entrance to the 
underworld abode of the dead was guarded by a dog as were the abodes 
of the living. 

A survival of the mystic character of Herakles’ raid upon the cattle 
of Geryon is found in Porphyry who says (De Antro Nympharum, 
18): Bouxddmos beds 6 THY yéverty AEANO6TWs &Kobwy. The ox-stealing god 
is the one who knows the secrets of generation. Herakles meets the 
requirements. Just before this Porphyry had said that souls descend- 
ing in generation were born of oxen (Sovyeveis). Herakles, the Bouxddzos 
#eds in bringing oxen back from the abode of the chthonic Geryon in 
the west was resurrecting souls incarnate in bulls. In other words, 
Herakles restored them to the land of the living even as he descended 
to Hades to restore Alkestis. It is not surprising to learn from Apollo- 
 doros (II, 5, 10, 6) that Hades had oxen in the island of Erytheia 
where Geryon dwelt. Hades and his oxen in the lower world are the 
counterpart of Geryon and his oxen in the chthonic west. We seem 
to be dealing here with evolution, with change of the place where the 
dead abide. 

Like Dionysos, Herakles had to do with the sun. He threatened to 
shoot an arrow at Helios whereupon the sun-god to save himself sur- 
rendered his golden cup and Herakles sailed in it to Erytheia. The word 
for cup in the several versions of the story assembled by Athenaios 
(XI, 469D ff.) is 6éras, a Homeric word. The 6éras was both cup and 
boat of Herakles as the xav@apos appears to have been both cup and 
boat of Dionysos. The latter is also given the 6éras by Nonnos (XIII, 
469): Atévuaos. . . exw déras. 

That Dionysos also sailed in a boat is clear from his appellative 
mehaytos and a vase-painting by Exekias who represents him sailing 
over the sea. There is nothing to show that this adjective referred to 
a voyage to the remote west. It may be that when Trygaios in the 
Peace spoke of sailing in a Naxian kantharos to the harbor of Kantha- 
ros he attracted attention to the gold cup which he held in his hand 


| 102 i 


in playful allusion to a tradition of a gold cup in which Dionysos had 
sailed like Helios and Herakles. The Orphic identification of Dionysos 
with Helios would confirm this conjecture and put Dionysos in the 
group with the Egyptian and Babylonian sun-gods who sailed in a 
boat, and would further make Dionysos a close counterpart of the 
Mithraic bull that also sailed in a boat (cf. Cumont, Textes et Monu- 
ments, 1, 167) because Dionysos was conceived of asa bull. Kantharos 
as the name of a god and a boat finds a curious parallel in a Leyden 
papyrus (cf. Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I, p. 47) 
which invokes a god Aldabeim said to be an Egyptian name both of 
the sun and of the boat in which he rises. Aldabeim is ’AXédi 10s © 
(*A\SaBenwos) the Cretan Zeus of Gaza. The meaning of the name is 
‘he who makes the earth fruitful’ (v. imfra p. 212). 

In this connection should be noted two plays upon the word 
xav0apos which are found in comedy. In a fragment of Menander’s 
Nauclerus (Kock, Com. Att. Frag. II, p. 101, no. 348) Strato is in- 
formed that his son and golden kantharos have arrived. Referring to 
kavOapos Strato asks rotov; and receives the playful answer r)oiov. 
This question as to what sort of golden kantharos is meant would 
be much more effective if there existed a tradition that a Dionysiac 
hero had sailed in a golden kantharos. The second play on the golden 
kantharos occurs in a fragment of the Priapus of Xenarchos (Kock, 
ibid. Il, p. 472, no. 10): “Pour no longer, boy, into the silver (cup). 
Let’s go back again to the deep (cup); into the kantharos, boy, pour 
by Zeus, by Kantharos.” Kock says in comment “nescio quo iure 
opponatur vas argenteum profundo.” But the point is certainly that 
the silver cup is contrasted with a gold kantharos which is a deep 
cup. The poet by mentioning one of silver is suggesting the other 
of gold and is apparently alluding to a gold kantharos which served 
as a boat, for the words eis 7d Bad) TéALy &ywuer might be construed 
to mean “‘let’s put to sea in the deep one,” i. e. kantharos. In such 
case ma\uv dywuer would suggest the absolute middle éravayecbar 
(Herod. VII, 194; Xen. Hel/. II, 1, 24). In the next verse, the play is 
extended, because the speaker swears first vj Ata and then v7} rop 
Kav@apov where the Dionysiac hero Kantharos is intended. Both 
comic fragments would then contain an allusion toa golden kantharos 


H 103 K 


asa boat, the counterpart of the ypuais or Na£voupyi}s ka v8 apos in which 
the Dionysiac Trygaios proposed to sail. 


*y 
) 


re 

oy Ae ) lia 

reek 
”, ie F 





XVII 
THE SOURCE OF THE GERMAN WORD KAFER 


Tuat the Egyptian conception of the beetle-god of resurrection had 
reached northern Italy in the fourth century is conclusively shown 
by the reference of St. Ambrose to Christ as the beetle on the cross 
(scarabaeus in cruce). It is reasonable to suppose that the Egyptian 
word for beetle accompanied the concept in the popular speech. The 
similarity of the Egyptian and German words for beetle which was 
remarked long ago but apparently never taken seriously by gram- 
marians raises the question whether the influence of Egyptian cult 
passed from Italy into Germany with such strength that its great 
symbol could have contributed a word to German vocabulary. The 
history of the word kéfer outside the Germanic languages is unknown 
(cf. Kluge, Etym. Wort. (1910), s. v. kafer). The fact that the word does 
‘ not occur in Scandinavian and Gothic favors the theory of a south- 
ern provenience. Its widespread occurrence in Germanic does not 
militate against the theory, for such words as ese/, kelch, kiste, messe, 
siegel and éafe/ are all of Latin origin and yet widespread in Germanic 
(Kluge in Paul, Grundriss der Germ. Philologie?, 1, p. 333 ff.). The 
many Germans in Roman service could have contributed to the 
propagation in their own language of the word for beetle as they did 
in the case of these other words. Under the Julio-Claudian emperors 
there were German cohorts and body-guards (v. Kluge, zd7d. p. 327). 
Long before this, the Egyptian cult had penetrated into Italy. In the 
second century B.c. there was a temple of Serapis at Puteoli and 
the cult reached Rome about 80 B.c. so that the beetle as a symbol 
of resurrection and immortality must have become known there be- 
fore the Christian era. 

The Egyptian cult also entered Germany. Tacitus tells us (Ger- 
mania, 9) that the Suevi worshipped a goddess Isis. LaFaye (Aizs- 
toire du Culte des Divinités d’ Alexandrie, p. 164) suspects that the 
historian was at a loss for a name for a vaguely defined German god- 
dess and accordingly identified her with Isis. Even so, the selection 


106 i 


of Isis would be significant for the importance of the cult in Italy, 
but it is possible that Tacitus meant what he said. There are other — 
suggestive evidences of Egyptian infiltration into Germany. Toutain 

(Les Cultes Paiens dans l Empire Romain, I, p. 21) cites an inscrip- 

tion (C. J. LZ. XIII, 8322) which mentions a sailor of the Rhine fleet 

who was named Horus and came from Alexandria. From this and 

other evidence Toutain concludes that Egyptians were settled in 

and about Colonia Agrippina (near Bonn) and that there may have 

been a cult of Serapis and Isis established there. At Aquae (Baden) 

was another sanctuary of Isis or Serapis (C. J. LZ. XIII, 5233). But 

the most interesting testimony to the penetration of this mystic cult’ 
into Germany is preserved by Ammianus Marcellinus (Rerum Ges- 

tarum, XVI, 12) who says that at the battle of Strasburg in 357 the 

chief of the Germans Chnodomar was initiated into the mysteries of 
Isis and gave to his son the name of Serapis (Toutain, zdzd. II, 15). 

Now a chief is not the first to be initiated. His conversion was prob- 

ably the result of a religious sentiment in the rank and file ofhis army. 

The lower classes in Egypt and Rome were the first toembrace Chris- 

tianity. Under Tiberius and Claudius there were no converts of rank. 

In any case considerable time must have elapsed between the first 

appearance of the Egyptian cult in Germany and the conversion of 

Chnodomar. But it is the conclusion of Toutain (d7d. II, 34) that 

Egyptian cults remained exotic in the Rhine valley and along the 

Danube. 

An interesting confirmation of the proposed etymology of the word 
kafer is found in German folklore. Grimm (Deutsche Mythologie, , 
pp: 576, 579) tells of children who put the beetle on the finger and ask 
“Wo lange schall ik leven; een jaar, twee jaar?” until the beetle whose 
home isin the sun or heaven flies away. Grimm believes there are traces 
of a cult of the beetle. As Miss Harrison has said (Themis, p. 201) 
rites often die down into children’s games. The child’s question to 
the beetle reminds one of Egyptian beliefs about that insect which 
was a symbol of the sun and of personal immortality. It also recalls 
the quotation by Aristophanes from Aesop that the beetle was the 
only winged creature that ever reached the gods (Pax, 130). 

The two words in question appear to be phonetically akin, for the 


H 107 } 
Egyptian cheper(a) must have passed into German territory before 


the operation of Grimm’s law. There is some question as to how long 
the last consonant of the Egyptian word was audible. 















: . } i > ne : ao J 
ait i we. Py A 


r ae iP aaa 
ae re Rusa a a4 a 





g. Obverse of an Attic Red Figure Krater: Silent Assisting at the 


Resurrection of Dionysos from his Omphalos-tomb 


PA AS Ee EX 


XVIII 
A SCENE OF DIONYSIAC RESURRECTION 


THERE Is a krater of the fifth century decorated with a scene (fig. 9) 
in which two sileni appear near an object resembling a mound which 
is surmounted by a sphinx (Mancini in Milani, Studi e Material, I, 
65; Milani, zdcd. p. 73; Miss Harrison, 7. H. S. 1899, p. 234; Pro- 
legomena, 211; Engelmann, Fahresh. d. Oster. Inst. 1907, 117; Anz. 
104; Roscher, Omphalos, p. 120). One silenus is striking the mound 
with a pick and the scars of his blows are seen; the other who has also 
been striking the mound is rushing away apparently startled. The 
mound rests on a base on the vertical face of which are six round 
objects. Milani interpreted them as holes from which little tongues 
of flame are darting, and construed the scene as an attack by satyrs 
upon a burning mound, the pyre and tomb of the sphinx. He brings 

the charge of arson against the fleeing silenus although the silenus 
holds only a pick. 

The mound is rather the omphalos at Delphi. The references to 
the omphalos in literature have been assembled by Roscher (Om- 
phalos, p. 54 ff.). There are two traditions of value in the interpre- 
tation of this vase-painting, one that the omphalos was the tomb of 
Dionysos and the other that it was the tomb of Pytho. Rohde (Psyche, 
p- 123) rejects the solitary testimony of Tatian that the omphalos was 
the tomb of Dionysos, and prefers the tradition of Varro that in the 
temple at Delphi there was an object like a thesauros which the 
Greeks called omphalos and said was a tumulus of Pytho. Philochoros 
(Frag. Hist. Graec. fr. 22) speaks of the tomb as beside the Apollo of 
gold and as bearing the inscription: "Ev0ade xetrat Pavey Atdvuoos 6 ék 
Yeyédns. Plutarch tells us that the tomb of Dionysos was in the adyton 
of the temple at Delphi (/s7s et Osiris, 35). The traditions of Tatian 
and Varro are probably one and the same and mean that the Pytho 
was regarded as the snake-form of Dionysos. The sepulchral charac- 
ter of the omphalos is confirmed by other evidence. It appears on 
Etruscan cinerary urns (Bulard, Monuments Piot, XIV (1908), p. 65). 


HW 110 kf 


Vase-paintings also establish it as does the discovery in a necropolis 
at Miletos of several omphaloi. 

The significance of the vase-painting in question is clear. The 
mound is the omphalos, the tomb of Dionysos. The sileni have been 
assisting in his resurrection by striking the mound with picks in an . 
effort to remove it. One silenus still strikes but the other is hastening 
away, startled apparently by the first signs of the impending resur- 
rection. He is the counterpart of Hephaistos in vase-paintings repre- 
senting the birth of Athena in which Hephaistos after striking the 
blow that brings forth the goddess rushes off in consternation. The 
sileni in digging up Dionysos with picks remind one of Trygaios and 
the chorus in the Peace who use picks to bring up the buried goddess. 
As Trygaios greets the resurrected goddess, so in a scene of resurrec- 
tion on a vase (Miss Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 280) a youth who 
stands with pick near the rising goddess raises his hand in greeting. 

The close association of sileni with the tomb of Dionysos is proved 
by Firmicus Maternus (De Errore, VI, 4-5) who says that for the 
slain Dionysos Zeus constructed a temple as a tomb and appointed 
Silenus as priest. One might say that the silenus in the vase-painting 
is the priest and that the scene was inspired by a mystic ceremony 
which every year enacted the resurrection of the god. Plutarch (De 
E apud Delph. 9) tells us that in the cult of Isodaites (Dionysos- 
Zagreus) the death and resurrection of the god were enacted (Rohde, 
Psyche, p. 424, no. 1). This rite was the counterpart in idea of the 
Egyptian rite in which a statue of Osiris was exhumed that had 
been buried the preceding year (cf. Foucart, Le Culte de Dionysos en 
Altique, p. 143). 

Other vase-paintings which bear in one way or another upon that 
under discussion may now be considered. There is a painting on a 
black-figure hydria (Roscher, Neue Omphalosstudien, pl. 7) in which 
besides sileni there appears a hind leaning against an omphalos. The 
hind and omphalos with its Dionysiac associations should be con- 
sidered in connection with a hind in an Etruscan relief which rises 
toward the kantharos in the hand of a recumbent figure. Apparently 
a priest of Dionysos is intended because he holds a ¢hyrsos (v. supra, 
p- 19; Martha, L’ Art Etrusque, p.345). In both cases there is perhaps 


1 ff 


an allusion to metasomatosis. At any rate the hind appears in some 
intimate connection with the kantharos of Dionysos in the one case 
and the omphalos of Dionysos in the other. Both kantharos and 
omphalos were practically symbols of resurrection. 

Among the scenes of the anodos of Persephone several of which are 
reproduced and discussed by Miss Harrison (Prolegomena, pp. 276 ff.) 
there is one painted on a south Italian Aydria which calls for special 
notice (Themis, p. 422, fig. 126). The head of the goddess has just 
emerged from the ground. On either side is a silenus. The one at the 
right has apparently struck with a pick the last blow needed to break 
the earth and release the goddess. These sileni are again assisting 
in the resurrection of chthonic deity, of Persephone the consort of 
Dionysos. This scene is the pendant then of the resurrection of 
Dionysos from beneath the omphalos, but the moment chosen is a 
later one when the deity has already appeared. 

Another vase-painting (Prolegomena, p. 407) represents Dionysos 
and Semele emerging face to face from the earth. Dionysos holds a 
kantharos. Semele makes a gesture associated with the evil eye. This 
is a curious detail. The same gesture is made by a dancing woman 
before an ithyphallic man in an archaic Etruscan sepulchral painting 
which is not far removed in time from the vase-painting (Antike 
Denkmaler, II, pl. 42). The gesture of the woman in the Etruscan 
painting is naturally attributed to the condition of the man. Perhaps 
Semele makes the same gesture for.the same reason. Herodotos (II, 
63) tells of an Egyptian ritualistic battle the object of which was to 
prevent the entrance of the son called Ares into the temple of his 
mother 79 wyrpl cvpuetéar. The apotropaic gesture of Semele in the 
vase-painting, like the same gesture in the scene of an ithyphallic 
dance in the Etruscan tomb was very possibly intended to prevent 
such an attack as Ares endeavored to make. The conjecture is 
strengthened by the sequence of scenes in the Peace of Aristophanes. 
Trygaios brings up Peace, Opora and Theoria and then receives 
Opora in marriage while Theoria is eagerly awaited (v. 728). This 
ritualistic sequence is suggested perhaps in the vase-paintings of the 
anodos where Erotes are present. These Erotes may also throw light 
upon the figurines of Erotes which have been found in graves. The 


12 if 


Etruscan sepulchral painting may then reflectaritualisticscene. Danc- 
ing attended the reappearance of the goddess Peace and her com- — 
panions. 

It was said above that the omphalos was practically a symbol of 
resurrection. This is confirmed by its use as an attribute of Asklepios 
which is not to be explained by the fact that Epidauros was the 
center of his cult (Roscher, Omphalos, p. 113) but rather by the tradi- 
tional power of the god of healing to resurrect the dead (Paus. II, 
26, 5). From the omphalos as the resurrection-tomb of Dionysos devel- 
oped logically enough the idea of the omphalos as a symbol of resur- 
rection and the attribute of the god who could resurrect the dead. 
The scholiast on Euripides (4/cestis, 1) quotes Pherekydes the his- 
torian to the effect that Asklepios raised to life those who died at 
Delphi. Thus Asklepios exercised this power in the very place where 
the omphalos stood. Naturally Alexander the false prophet of Asklepios 
claimed the power to resurrect the dead (Lucian, 4/ex. 24). It may 
have been the omphalos which determined the form of the tholos 
(abaton) at Epidauros. 

There remain to be discussed the round objects on the base of the 
omphalos which Milani thought were holes for fire. Pfuhl’s interpre- 
tation that they are pomegranates is certainly right (Gott. Gel. Anz. 
1907, p. 671, n. 1). Those at the left are the more realistic because 
they were painted first; those at the right have degenerated into mere 
circles like those on the bases of ste/ai in paintings on Attic lekythoi 
(e. g. Fahresh. d. Oster. Inst. 1907, p. 119). The appropriateness of 
the pomegranate as a decorative feature of a resurrection-tomb is 
beyond question. The pomegranate which was said, according toClem- 
ent of Alexandria (Protrep. II, 19), to have sprung from the blood 
of Dionysos was the symbol of rebirth as it was on the Spartan 
stelai. There is a Boeotian plate (Miss Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 275, 
fig. 67) on which is painted Demeter (?) seated before an omphalos 
that is surmounted by a pomegranate. Demeter holds a cluster of 
pomegranates and ears of corn. The idea of a pomegranate on a tomb 
is not without precedent. The Furies planted a pomegranate on the 
grave of the slain Eteocles. When the fruit was picked blood flowed 
from it (Philostratos, Imagines, II, 29). A pomegranate grew on the 


H 113K 


grave of Menoikeos (Paus. IX, 25, 1). This decorative detail then is 
consistent with the interpretation that the sileni are assisting in the 
resurrection of Dionysos. 

Equally consistent is the sphinx which surmounts the omphalos 
that the sileni have attacked. A Euripidean scholiast (ad Phoen. 45) 
says that one of the women who raved (in Bacchic orgy) in company 
with the daughters of Kadmos was transformed into the sphinx. In 
other words, according to this tradition the sphinx is a Maenad, and, 
perched on the omphalos, adds another Dionysiac touch. The close 
connection of the sphinx and Dionysos is proved by those coins of 
Chios upon which the sphinx is found together with a wine-jar and 
grapes. Head (Hist. Num?. p. 600) infers from this combination 
that “the sphinx at Chios was probably symbolical of the cultus of 
Dionysos.” Euripides further represents Hades (Dionysos) as sending 
the sphinx to the Cadmeans (Phoen. 810). Therefore the island of 
Naxos whose great god was Dionysos very appropriately set up a 
sphinx on a column at Delphi where their god was resurrected. There 
_ too the vase-painter localized his scene of the sphinx perched on the 
omphalos. For the Naxians as well as for the vase-painter, the sphinx 
must have had a mystic significance. It was the symbol perhaps of 
metasomatosis. But the sphinxes before the Serapeion at Memphis 
were rather guardians of Osiris. The god Aker, watcher of the lower 
world and protector of Ra, took preferably the form of a sphinx in 
which also Isis could incorporate herself. On Roman sepulchral altars 
the sphinx occurs perhaps as guardian but also with Dionysiac as- 
sociations. On the cinerary urn of Aelius Patrius (Altmann, Rém. 
Grabaltare, p. 106, no. 93) the kantharos appears flanked by sphinxes, 

The vase-painting in question then represents the resurrection- 
tomb of Dionysos, the god of immortality, at the moment when his 
followers the sileni assist at the resurrection of the god and possibly 
of his mother the earth-goddess, because the omphalos found a few 
years ago at Delphi bears the inscription Ta. They are seeking to 
release the soul of the god conceived under such form perhaps as ap- 
pears on an Attic vase (7. H. S. 1899, p. 219) where tiny winged hu- 
man forms are seen within theompha/os. Thesphinxand the pomegran- 
ates confirm the mystic character of the scene which was probably in- 


114 jt 


spired by an annually performed ritual in which the fertility-gods of 
immortality were resurrected by priests disguised as silen1. 


XIX 
THE OMPHALOS AT JERUSALEM 


Devpui was not alone in its distinction as the ompha/os of the earth. 
Roscher in his two studies of the subject already cited shows that 
the idea was not confined to Greece. In Ezekiel V, 5, one reads: “This 
is Jerusalem which [ have set in the midst of the people and round 
about it the lands” and again (XXXVIII, 12) Ezekiel speaks of 
“people who live on the navel of the earth.” Josephus (Bell. Fud. 
De 38) repeats the tradition: wecattarn 6& abris (Iovdatas) roXts 7d 
‘Tepooo\uma KelTat, Tap’ O Kal TLVEs OUK doKOTWS Oudaddy TO hoTY THs 
xwpas éxadeoav. Thus both Delphiand Jerusalem werecalled omphalos. 
They were both also the burial-place of a god of resurrection and im- 
mortality. The significance of this becomes more striking when one 
compares the tomb of Dionysos with that of Christ as described by 
- Eusebios. He tells us (Theoph. III, 29 =Migne, P. G. XXIV, p. 620) 
that Constantine brought the tomb of Christ to light (a.p. 326) and 
greatly enriched it. The tomb consisted of a rock standing upright 
by itself in a level place and containing only one cavern (Qavpacry dé 
idety H wéTpa év HTAWLEVWY XwWPw MOVN OpOLOs dvedTapévn Kal povoY Ev 
&vtpov elow év ati wepréxouvca). 

The tomb thus described has a marked resemblance to the omphalos- 
tomb of Dionysos. The omphalos at Delphi was a stone which stood 
upright. Two such stones found at Delphi are hollow (Roscher, Om- 
phalos, p. 83). This feature may continue a tradition as to the ompha- 
/os that it contained an avrpov like that of the Eusebian description. 
The extant Delphic omphaloi are probably rock tombs in miniature, 
replicas reproducing the essential form of a ¢hesauros or tholos-tomb. 
The words of Eusebios applied to the tomb of Christ deoréctov éxetvo 
tis dOavacias priua (De Vita Const. III, 26 =Migne, PE Gen 
p. 1085) are applicable also to the Delphic omphalos from which 
Dionysos was resurrected. The Eusebian description of the tomb at 
Jerusalem was apparently the source of the Byzantine and deriva- 
tive representations of it such as the painting by Mantegna now in 


HT 116 ff 
the museum at Tours. In this painting the tomb takes the form of a 
truncated omphalos. 

It is not known exactly where the tomb of Christ was. The site of 
the sepulchre-church was chosen because a sanctuary of Phoenician 
gods had stood there whose cult Christianity had bitterly fought. 
There is no justification for seeking the tomb in that church (Heisen- 
berg, Grabeskirche und Apostelkirche, I, p. 225). The question as to 
the identity of these Phoenician gods is answered by St. Jerome who 
says that from the time of Hadrian to Constantine a statue of Jupiter 
marked the place of resurrection and a statue of Venus the place of 
the cross. Jupiter and Venus are but other names for Adonis and 
Astarte (Heisenberg ibid. pp. 200-203). Adonis or Thammuz bore 
so much resemblance to Dionysos that they were anciently confused 
(Plut. Quaest. Symp. 671B). This equation of Dionysos of Delphi with 
Adonis or Thammuz of Jerusalem prepares one to expect a resem- 
blance between their tombs of resurrection. Adonis like Dionysos was 
resurrected and ascended to heaven (és rév Hepa réurovor, Lucian, De 
Dea Syria, 6; cf. Frazer, Adonis, Attis and Osiris, p. 127). 

The tomb of Dionysos was at the center of the earth and his devo- 
tees found in the resurrection of their god a pledge of their own sal- 
vation. They might have exclaimed in the words of the psalmist (73, 
12) “Thou hast wrought salvation at the middle of the earth.” In the 
parody of resurrection in the Peace of Aristophanes the chorus (595) 
calls the resurrected goddess owrnpia. 


XX 
THE UNITY OF THE ANTHESTERIA 


Tue Anthesteria celebrated at Athens from the eleventh to the 
thirteenth of Anthesterion was the more ancient Dionysia. It was 
during this festival that the souls of the dead were resurrected and 
moved about in the city (Photios, s. v. urapa judpa; Suidas, s. v. 
dvpave). Of the three days of the festival, the first was Pithoigia (Jar- 
opening), the second was Choes (Cups) and the last Chytroi (Pots). 
Difference of opinion prevails as to the unity of the festival. Foucart 
considered the Pithoigia not to be a part of the original festival and 
Farnell maintained that the offering of the xirpa did not touch 
Dionysiac worship at all. But there is perhaps a sequence of ideas 
extending throughout the festival. 

It is to Miss Harrison (Prolegomena, p. 43) that is due the dis- 
covery of the significance of the Pithoigia. With the evidence of a 
vase-painting which represents Hermes evoking several winged souls 
from a large jar set in the earth, Miss Harrison concludes that the 
name Pithoigia was due to the belief that Hermes opened the jar- 
tombs of the dead and let their souls out. A slight modification 
of this theory may bring us nearer the truth, namely that wine poured 
into sepulchral jars brought up the souls of the dead which Hermes 
released. King (Gnostics, p. 228) apropos of Greek gems in which 
Hermes is represented as bending forward, caduceus in hand and by 
its mystic virtue assisting a soul to emerge from the depths of earth, 
says the motif may be coincident in origin with the mediaeval picture 
of the Saviour lifting a soul out of purgatory. 

The opening of the sepulchral jars was attended in the festival by 
the opening of the wine-jars. The drinking by the dead was matched 
by the drinking of the living and intoxication continued during the 
festival. This ritualistic drunkenness is readily intelligible. Accord- 
ing to Orphic belief at which Plato scoffed the reward of eternal 
drunkenness (yé6y aiwvios) awaited those who had lived a good life. 
Yet he had said that it was not becoming for a man to get drunk 


W 118 K 


except at festivals and of wine set apart for deity. It is no wonder 
that the second day of this festival of souls was named Choes and ~ 
that each man drank by himself (Harrison, iid. p. 41), since he be- 
lieved that so soon as his soul descended to Hades he should drink 
the cup of such immortality, To dappakov rHs a0avactas. Plutarch 
(Quaest. Symp. 655E) speaks of those who prayed before they drank 
wine at the Pithoigia that the use of the drug might be their salvation 
(calradary’ ws orev eDxovTo TOV olvoU Tply } TLEty ATooTEVOoVTEs ABAABA 
Kal gwTnplov avrots Tov PapyaKov THY XpHoLv vevécbar). Slaves and ser- 
vants all had a share of the wine because Dionysos lord of souls was 
icodairns. Dionysos himself must also have drunk of the cup, tor at 
Magnesia he was called xoorérns in connection with this festival of 
the Choes (kat Avovbow yoorérn Ovordoavra Kal Thy xov éopThy, Frag. 
Hist. Graec. IV, 483). 

The second day of the Anthesteria was marked by a mystic mar- 
riage of the king archon’s wife with Dionysos. Farnell considers this 
rite the chief of all the ceremonies of the festival but thinks it clashes 
strangely with the ill-omened day and assigns to the rite a political 
religious significance. But the idea is very primitive. A variant of it 
is found at Egyptian Thebes where the queen was the earthly wife 
of the solarized Amun and bore the titles of the Heliopolitan Hathor, 
the wife of the sun-god (Blackman, Your. of Egypt. Arch. 1921, p. 14). 

In a festival of all souls the mystic marriage of the archon’s wife 
to the lord of souls is rather the archetype of the mortal’s wedding 
with deity. Dionysos was resurrected, drank of the cup (xoozérns) 
and was united in wedlock. So should also his devotees. Union with 
deity was an ancient belief which has survived in modern Greek super- 
stition. In the Peace of Aristophanes the resurrected Opora is given 
in marriage to the Dionysiac Trygaios, and shortly afterwards ensues 
a dialogue with certain allusions to the Anthesteria. In verse 915 the 
chorus tells Trygaios that he is the saviour of all men to which he 
replies that they will say as much when they drink a measure of new 
wine. Paley thought this a reference to the Choes or Pithoigia. The 
probability of his view is enhanced in the following verses. The chorus 
says they will always consider Trygaios as the first of the gods, an 
allusion perhaps to the Orphic substitution of Dionysos for Zeus. 


H 119 I 


Then Trygaios (923) referring to Peace, a statue (?) on the stage, says 
“she must be set up with chytraz”’ whereupon the chorus inquires of 
him: 


xUTpatotv dorep peudopuevoy ‘Epund.or; 


The mention of xt7pa: and Hermes brings us to the third day of 
the Anthesteria, for on that day there was an important offering of 
cooked seed (yitpas ravorepuias) to Hermes Chthonios alone who 
was supplicated on behalf of the dead (Schol. ad Achar. 1076; ad 
Ran. 218). These pots of seed must have been food for the dead whose 
souls were resurrected during the Anthesteria. Apparently Hermes 
was thought to blame the living if the xé7paz were not forthcoming 
for the dead and so the chorus in the Peace implies that Hermes would 
blame them if they did not provide xtrpa: for the goddess Just resur- 
rected. 

The pots of cooked seed were offered to Hermes alone who was to 
lead the souls down to Hades and up again at the next Pithoigia. The 
seeds were probably to be eaten before that time as seeds of rebirth 
like the seeds of the pomegranate of the Spartan sfe/ai. The offering 
of seed to Hermes on behalf of the dead, if such was its purpose, was 
tantamount to an invitation to the souls to come again another year. 
The idea would have a close parallel in the Vedic practice of bidding 
the souls to depart but to come again after the lapse of a certain time 
(Oldenberg, Religion d. Vedas, p. §53;cf. Miss Harrison, Prolegomena, 
p- 36). This primitive feature of the ritual was based on the analogy 
of plants. The soul, like vegetation, blossomed forth every year in the 
spring. The provision on the last day of the festival for the resurrec- 
tion of souls a year later has its counterpart, like the annual rebirth 
of their lord Dionysos, in the Egyptian ritual of Osiris whose statue 
was buried one year and resurrected the next. 

The name of the pot of seeds xirpa, xtrpos is that of the festival 
xbrpot and for.a very good reason. As a wine-cup of immortality de- 
termined the name xées (cups) of the second day, so the pot of seeds 
of resurrection determined the name for the last day (xtrpas tavorep- 
utas b0ev obrw KAnOfvat THY éoprhv). The cup of wine and the pot of 
seeds, like their counterparts in idea the kantharos and the pome- 


120 jf 


granate of the Spartan tombstones, were of very great significance. 
Since the annual resurrection of souls occurred in the spring like that — 
of the vegetation-god Dionysos who was called ’AvOets and “AvOvos 
(Paus. I, 31, 4; VII, 21, 6) there is every reason to accept the tradi- 
tional interpretation of the names Anthesterion and Anthesteria as 
the month and festival of the god who causes the plants to blossom 
forth. His function is clearly given in his Thracian title of ’AvOcarnp 
(Festschrift fiir O. Benndorf, p. 228). This interpretation is far more 
satisfactory than Verrall’s forced derivation of the name from a non- 
existent dvabécoacGat “to wake the spirit” (cf. Miss Harrison, Pro/e- 
gomena, p. 48). The Anthesteria was the expression of a primitive 
vegetation-creed of resurrection, naturally associated with Dionysos 
the primitive vegetation-god of resurrection. The essence of this creed 
was that soul-seed like plant-seed sprouted in the spring. | 

In spite of the continuous revel of the Anthesteria the ancients re- 
fer to it as days of pollution. The souls were apparently necessary 
but unwelcome guests and mortals were satisfied when these souls 
departed. This feeling may be in part explained by a remark of Plu- 
tarch (Quaest. Rom. 264F) that those who have had a funeral as if 
dead are accounted by the Greeks as not pure. Perhaps too the super- 
stition of the caraxavas that returned to do violence to his neglectful 
nearest of kin may throw some light upon the ancient feeling of antip- 
athy toward these annual revenants of the springtime. 

There is a curious feature of the tradition about the Anthesteria 
which may prove to be of some consequence. The name xirpor was 
anciently explained by a legend (Schol. ad Aris. Ran. 218; ad Achar. 
1076) that after the deluge of Deukalion the survivors offered to 
Hermes their provisions in an earthen vessel, xizpa. But what was 
the connection between the deluge of Deukalion and the Anthesteria? 
The connection probably lies in the two beliefs that a universal deluge 
took place when the planets were united in Capricorn and that souls 
left the world at Capricorn. The first belief is recorded by Berosos, 
the Babylonian priest of the third century B.c. (Cumont, Les Relig- 
ions Orientales, p. 262) who was well versed in old Chaldaean theo- 
ries. The second belief is stated by Porphyry (De Antro Nympharum, 
22). Now the souls were abroad during the Anthesteria and departed 


rot i 


on the last day which was called xézpor. But souls also left the world 
by the constellation Capricorn the seat of deluge (Cumont, Textes et 
Monuments, I, p. 35, n.). Capricorn thus becomes the bar of union 
between the Anthesteria and the deluge. The departure of souls within 
the earth on the day called xt7po. rather than through Capricorn 
does not present a real difficulty, because the abode of souls was 
shifted in a process of evolution from beneath the earth to the heavens. 

The association of the deluge with immortality is found in a Baby- 
lonian version of the epic of Gilgamish. Budge thinks that the story 
of the deluge was incorporated in the epic possibly as late as the reign 
of Assurbanipal (E. A. Budge, The Babylonian Story of the Deluge and 
the Epic of Gilgamish (1920), p. 30). Uta Napishtim who escaped the 
deluge and became immortal tells the story of it to Gilgamish who 
is in search of immortality for his dead friend Enkidu. Nergalis finally 
ordered to raise up the spirit of Enkidu which comes into the world 
through a hole in the ground. According to Budge the last lines of the 
tablet seem to say that the spirit of the unburied man does not repose 
in the earth and that the spirit of the friendless man wanders about 
the streets eating the remains of food which are cast out from the 
cooking-pots. The story sounds like a variant of the Anthesteria. The 
deluge, immortality, the spirit of Enkidu evoked by Nergal through 
a hole in the ground, the souls wandering about in the city and find- 
ing food cast out from cooking-pots are details which have approxi- 
mate counterparts in the Anthesteria, in the deluge of Deukalion, in 
the resurrection of souls evoked by Hermes, in their wandering about 
in the city (kara Thy woAuv Tots AvOecrnplots TaYV WuxXdv TeprepxXouévwv 
Suidas, s. v. #ipate), and in the xitpat tavoreppyias, the pots of cooked 
seed, which were offered Hermes apparently as food for the depart- 
ing spirits. The coincidence is too great to be merely accidental. It 
must be due to a common origin. 

But whatever the provenience of the Anthesteria, the festival at 
Athens presents a consistent sequence of ideas. Souls that had par- 
taken of the seeds of rebirth were resurrected through sepulchral jars 
by Hermes and drank the wine of immortality. On the second day 
they entered into wedlock with deity through the vicarious marriage 
of Dionysos the lord of souls. On the third day when Hermes had 


| 122 f 

received the pots of seed, the seed of resurrection to insure the return 
of souls the following spring, he led the souls back to their other » 
world. Thus the festival annually rehearsed the experience of the soul. 
The 1é6n aiwvcos of the soul was rehearsed in the continued intoxica- 
tion of the participant who drank not in company but separately as 
the soul was todoon reaching Hades. The wedlock of the soul withdeity 
was rehearsed in the marriage of the king archon’s wife with Dionysos. 
This rehearsal naturally occurred in the month when vegetation be- 
gan because the annual resurrection of plants had first suggested the 
annual resurrection of souls. There was a note of sadness in the fes- 
tival perhaps because the immortality of souls was desired but not 
their annual return to the living. 


XXI 
VEDIOVIS AND HIS CONGENERS 


TueE facts and theories about the problematical god Vediovis have 
been recently reéxamined (Frothingham, 4. 7. P. 1917, pp. 370-91) 
and the conclusion reached that he was a Latin volcanic deity whose 
cult fell into obscurity with the decrease of volcanic activity in south- 
ern Etruria, Latium, and Campania. It is the purpose of this study 
to show that Vediovis is rather an Etruscan and Roman version of 
the dethroned predecessor of Zeus, a congener of Kronos, Salmoxis, 
Salmoneus, and Kasmilos, and that he brought his principal charac- 
teristics from the vicinity of Samothrace, the seat of the Kabeiroi. 

Since Vediovis appeared in the Etruscan system of divination by 
thunder and lightning as given by Martianus Capella (I, 59) it is 
evident that Vediovis was in some way a thunder-god. Such also was 
’ the Thessalian Salmoneus who is represented in an Attic vase paint- 
ing brandishing a thunderbolt and threatening his rival Zeus (C/ass. 
Rev. 1903, p. 276). Both Vediovis and Salmoneus were mad. The 
prefix of Vediovis has the same value as in vesanus, 1. e. “unbridled 
violence.’ Vediovis was a violent Diovis or Zeus, and such was Sal- 
moneus as he appears in the account of the mythographer Apollodoros 
(I, 9, 7). Salmoneus claimed to be Zeus and tossed blazing torches 
toward the sky saying that he was lightning. The adjective demens 
applied to Salmoneus by Vergil (4en. VI, 589) is the equivalent 
of the prefix ve of Vediovis. But long before these writers the madness 
of Salmoneus had been noted by Pindar and Euripides. The latter 
in a fragment (40/05, no. 14) spoke of himas raging along the streams 
of Alpheios while to Pindar he was épacuyjins (Pyth. IV, 143). Sal- 
moneus was so conspicuous in tradition that the Thasian Polygnotos 
painted a picture of him which inspired a poet to write this inscribed 
verse: 

LDadpoveds Bpovrats bs Aros avTevavnv 
ds pe Kal év ‘Atdn wopOet made Kal pe KEepavvots 


Bardet wto@y pov K ob NaXdéovta ThTOP. 


i 124 Kf 
The opposition of Vediovis to Diovis or Zeus so clearly stated in his 
name is expressed also in the appellatives applied to Salmoneus who » 
was called av7Bpovr&v while Zeus was Bpovrdy (cf. Roscher, Lexikon, 
s. v. Salmoneus). 

The names of Diovis and Vediovis, rival gods of thunder, appeared 
in the order named in ancient prayers (Gellius, Noctes Aiticae, V, 12). 
Diovis was mentioned first and then Vediovis in a close sequence 
which confirms the evidence of association deduced from their names. 
It is noteworthy that a corresponding sequence appears in the pair 
Zeus Madbachos and Selamanes in late Greek dedications found in 
Syria (Prentice, Hermes, 1902, p. 91). The Selamanes of these in- 
scriptions is but another form of Salmoneus (v. supra, p. 80). The 
reason why these pairs of gods were mentioned together in prayers 
and dedications is quite clear. Vediovis and Selamanes (Salmoneus) 
were dethroned Zeuses who once wielded the thunderbolt but they 
were not to be offended by neglect. To avoid taking sides in a celestial 
controversy in which thunderbolts were the weapons, the Roman 
suppliant and the Syrian dedicant wisely mentioned both thunder- 
gods but discreetly placed the reigning god before the dethroned one. 
That mortals could incur the displeasure of Vediovis is shown by the 
Etruscan belief (Ammianus Marcellinus, XVII, 10, 2) that those who 
were about to be hit by a thunderbolt of the god were afflicted with 
deafness. The supplication of these gods finds a further parallel in the 
offering of the Mithraist to deus Arimanius (Cumont, Textes et Mon- 
uments, I, p. 5). 

The violent rage of Vediovis and Salmoneus was natural enough. 
They had been dispossessed and like superannuated deites or defeated 
rivals had been cast by the new god into Hades where they retained 
their thunderbolts. Vediovis kept his, as the story in Ammianus shows, 
and Vergil (den. VI, 585) describes Salmoneus as still imitating the 
thunder and lightning of Zeus: 


Vidi et crudelis dantem Salmonea poenas 
Dum flammas Fovis et sonitus imitatur Olympi. 


Salmoneus shared the treatment of the Titans and Vediovis was 
enthroned over Pyriphlegethon (Martianus Capella, II, 41). Both 


125 


were gods of thunder in Hades. The consignment of superseded gods 
to the nether world was to find illustration again centuries later when 
under the Christians the altar of Zeus at Pergamon became the altar 
of Satan, and the pagan daimones were cast into hell as demons or 
devils. The dispossession of one thunder-god by another thunder-god 
explains what seems to be a curious confusion, 1. e. that the enemy of 
a god is alsoa double of that god (cf. Cornford, Origin of Attic Comedy, 
p- 148). Both gods were of the same or similar sort originally. 
Further light upon the character of Vediovis is to be had from the 
company which he keeps. In a list of early Sabine deities which Varro 
(De Lingua Latina, V, 74) quotes from the Annals, the following four 
are mentioned first in what seems to be a closed group: Opi Florae 
Vediovi Saturnoque. That the juxtaposition of Vediovis and Saturn 
is here traditional and therefore significant is shown by the juxta- 
position of the same two in the Etruscan chart of divination by 
thunder and lightning. Martianus Capella (I, 59) tells us that in this 
chart the names of Saturn and Vediovis were placed in sections 14 
‘and 15. At the time of the Roman Saturnalia, Saturn hurled thunder 
bolts from the earth (Plin. NV. H. II, 52 (53), 139); those of Vediovis 
came likewise from the earth. The first tetrad of Sabine gods given 
by Varro is followed by a second: Soli Lunae Vulcano et Summano. 
There is again evidence of a purposeful sequence in the list because 
Sol and Luna who immediately follow Saturn were his companions in 
Africa along with Ops, Ceres, and.the Dioskouroi (4rch. Anz. 1903, 
p- 102). The first tetrad shows Vediovis in the company of deities of 
vegetation. Ops and Flora are transparent. Ops was the consort of 
Saturn, the god of abundance. An inscription found near Tebessa 
records a dedication to Saturno domino et Opi reginae (C. I. L. VAI, 
2670). Sacrifice to Saturn was offered graeco ritu. There are no votive 
inscriptions to him at Rome nor in the vicinity of Rome. From this 
fact Fowler concludes that Saturn was not a popular deity (Roman 
Festivals, p. 269) but the Greek character of his sacrificial rite marks 
_ the god as a foreigner in some of his aspects at least. The festival of 
his consort Ops was identified with that of Rhea Cybele at Rome. 
The pairing of Ops and Saturn in Varro’s first tetrad throws Vediovis 
who had a consort (Vedium cum uxore, Mart. Cap. II, 142) into the 


i 126 ft 


arms of Flora, and thus this tetrad is seen to consist of two pairs of 
vegetation-deities. The appearance of Vediovis as a fertility-god 1s" 
quite in keeping with his character as a god having to do with souls 
in the underworld. He permitted souls to escape according to Etrus- 
can doctrine (Mart. Cap. I, 142). Fertility-gods readily lent them- 
selves to such function. Hermes is an example. 

Thus Vediovis is found not only in significant intimacy with Saturn 
but has also striking points of resemblance to Salmoneus. If these 
three are really congeneric there should be further points of resem- 
blance between Saturn and Salmoneus. It isa curious coincidence that 
Saturn at Rome and Salmoneus of Thessaly are gods of broken fettets 
(Cook, Class. Rev. 1903, p. 276). Lucian (Cronosol. X) says that 
Kronos was represented by poets and painters as weéqrns. At Rome 
Saturn was released once a year during the Saturnalia when slaves 
were freed and gave rings of bronze to Saturn (Martial, III, 29). 
The statue of Saturn at Rome was bound with fillets of wool which the 
antiquarians explained as the chains with which Jupiter loaded his 
father (Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. Saturnus, pp. 1082, 
1087). Plutarch (De Fluv. V, 3) says that Zeus bound Kronos with 
twisted wool (mdexr@ épiw) and cast him into Tartaros. Now the 
Salmoneus in the vase-painting previously discussed has fillets 
tied about him in addition to chains. Thus Salmoneus and Saturn are 
clearly versions of one and the same god, a dethroned predecessor of 
Zeus. Curiously enough these fillets of wool and chains seem to survive 
in a modern Serbian proverb: “God with legs of wool but arms of 
iron’ (cf. Vassitch, Rev. Arch. V (1917), p. 147). A mystic character is 
perhaps given the ancient treatment of Saturn and Salmoneus by the 
custom of the Eleusinian mystics who on their way to Eleusis stopped 
apparently at the palace of Krokon and put bands of saffron color 
about their right hand and left foot (Foucart, Les Mysteres d’ Eleusis, 
p- 337). They did this probably because Krokon wore such bands. 
If he was chained like Saturn, he may have bequeathed his chains to 
the shackled Satan of the fresco at Daphne on the road to Eleusis 
(Monuments Piot, II, pl.25). The Semitic word for ‘saffron’ is karkom 
(cf. Frazer, 4donis, Attis and Osiris, p. 99, n. 6). 

The rings presented to Saturn at Rome by the emancipated slaves 


127 K 


seem to have certain Samothracian connections. Isidore (Origines, 
XIX, 32) in a chapter De Anulis gives the following interesting in- 
formation: Primus Prometheus fertur circulum ferreum incluso lapide 
digito circumdasse; qua consuetudine homines usi anulos habere coe- 
perunt. Now Prometheus was a Kabeiros at Thebes (Paus. IX, 25,6) 
and therefore related in some way to the Kabeiroi of Samothrace. 
According to Tzetzes the wife of Prometheus was Axiothea, a very 
rare example of a name beginning with 4xi0, which at once, how- 
ever, suggests the mystic names of the Samothracian triad Axieros, 
Axiokersos and Axiokersa (cf. Roscher, Lexzkon, s. v. Prometheus, p. 
3040). There was also an identification of Prometheus with Kronos. 
In an Orphic Hymn (XIII, 7) Kronos is invoked as ceuvé pounded. 
This confusion or identification appears again in the tradition (Plut. 
De Fluv. V, 3) that Kronos fled from Zeus to the Caucasus and again 
that the grave of Saturn was in the Caucasus (Lobeck, 4glaoph.I, p. 
575); The rings of Saturn at Rome, like the iron ring of Prometheus of 
Thebes, were probably Samothracian. This probability is confirmed by 
Isidore’s further remarks on the subject of rings: Inter genera 
anulorum sunt ungulus, Samothracius, Thynius. Ungulus est gemmatus, 
vocatusque hoc nomine quia sicut ungula carnt, ita gemma anult auro 
adcingitur. This passage shows that Thrace and Samothrace had al- 
most a monopoly of the antique ring because Thynius was simply 
another name for Thracian. It may be that Samothrace is the ulti- 
mate source of all these genera anulorum because Prometheus was 
the first to wear an iron ring of the type called ungu/us. The name 
Samothracius and the tradition that the Kabeiros Prometheus was 
the first to wear an iron ring makes reasonable the conjecture that 
such ring was worn by Samothracian mystics in some rite. That a 
ring could have mystic value is a safe inference from the name xav6 apos 
for a ring worn by priests. A ring from Tarsos bears the inscription 
cvvddou pvoT xis T apoéwr, the seal “of the association of mystics of Tar- 
sos” (Brit. Mus. Catalogue of Rings, pl. XX XIII, n. 1421). Lucretius 
in a passage devoid of mysticism (VI,1040) mentions ferrea Samothra- 
cia which recall the circulum ferreum worn by Prometheus. Lucretius 
may have found the expression in Epicurean sources. Epikouros of 
Samos lived at a time when the Samothracian cult was flourishing 


Y 128 k 

under Macedonian patronage. The Samothracian ring was in origin 
probably a link of the chain which bound Prometheus and would 
therefore very naturally appear as a symbol of his suffering for man- 
kind. Slaves released from servitude might well have dedicated their 
chains to Prometheus as they did at Rome to Saturn (Martial, ITT, 
29). May not this Roman custom have come to Rome along with the 
graeco ritu with which Saturn was worshipped there? The stepping- 
stone between Rome and Samothrace may have been Thessaly where 
Salmoneus, the shackled counterpart of Saturn, was at home. The ring 
of Saturn like the ring of Prometheus was a symbol of confinement 
_which in the rites of the Kabeiroi apparently acquired mystic value. 

The discussion of Saturn, Salmoneus, and Prometheus has shown 
the connections of Saturn with the Samothracian circle of deities. It 
remains to present evidence of the Samothracian connections of Ve- 
diovis. This evidence will be found in the history of his temples at 
Rome. Like Saturn, Vediovis had a temple on the Capitoline. The 
significance of the dates of the two temples of Vediovis has not been — 
remarked. L. Furius Purpureo vowed the temple on the island in 200 
B.c. It was begun in 196 and dedicated in 194 (reading DLX in 
Plin. V.H. XVI, 216). The date of the other on the Capitoline was 
192 B.c. It is significant that these temples are practically contem- 
porary with the introduction into Rome of the Phrygian cult of the 
Magna Mater in 204 B.c. when the image of the goddess came to 
Rome as once the Palladion had come. In the year of the dedication 
of the earlier temple of Vediovis, 194 B.c., dramatic performances 
were first presented at the festival of the Magna Mater. Her temple 
on the Palatine was dedicated in the year 191 or about the same time 
as that of Vediovis on the Capitoline (192). It is impossible to resist 
the conclusion that the construction of the two temples to Vediovis 
was a direct consequence of the coming to Rome of the Magna Mater, 
that there came with her a second wave of the cult of Vediovis and 
that this god was regarded as her consort. They came together. 

The association of Vediovis and Magna Mater has an interesting 
eastern background in which appears the Samothracian cult. Magna 
Mater came to Rome with the consent of the king of Pergamon, where 
the cult of the Kabeiroi was early established (Paus. I, 4, 6). The 


Il 129 Kf 


cults of Magna Mater and the Kabeiroi were really cousins. Clement 
of Alexandria (Protrep. 11,13) says that the Samothracian mysteries 
were founded by Eétion and those of Magna Mater by Dardanos. 
Fétion and Dardanos were brothers (Roscher, Lexzkon, s. v. Megaloi 
Theot, p. 2528) and Etruscans according to Servius (ad den. III, 167; 
VII, 207). It is quite possible that the Etrusco-Roman Vediovis is a 
Samothracian Kabeiros who migrated with the Lydians to Etruria 
and later came again to Rome with the Phrygian Magna Mater. That 
there was considerable interest among Romans in the Samothracian 
gods before the formal introduction of the cult at the end of the third 
century is shown by the dedication to them of pictures and sculptures 
which Marcellus took from the spoils of Syracuse in 212 B.c. The coin- 
cidence in the dates of the first temple to Vediovis (194) and the intro- 
duction of dramatic performances at the festival of Magna Mater 
may mean that Vediovis brought with him the dramatic performance 
which the vase-paintings of the Theban Kabeirion seem to attest for 
the cult. 

It is significant that two temples were dedicated at Rome to Vedi- 
ovis within an interval of three years and practically at the same 
time as the temple of the Magna Mater. This triad of temples curi- 
ously corresponds with the triad of Kabeiroi as given by Pliny (NV. 
H. XXXVI, 25) who says that Skopas made statues of Aphrodite, 
Phaethon, and Pothos gui Samothrace sanctissimis caerimonits colun- 
tur. These three are represented in the triple herm, the Chablais 
marble of the Vatican (Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s.v. Cabiri, 
p- 761, figs. 902-4). The date of the herm is the second century after 
Christ. It was found at Rome with a number of Bacchic monuments. 
Ulrichs (Skopas, p. 103) thought it very probable that the herm stood 
in a round temple which was the preferred form for the cult, to judge 
from the example erected by Arsinoé at Samothrace. But Ulrichs does 
not believe that the herm represents the Kabeiroi. The scholiast on 
Apollonios (I, 917) who gives the secret names of the Kabeiroi would 
perhaps have called the bearded head of the herm Axiokersos; the 
beardless, Kasmilos, and the goddess, Axieros (cf. Pettazzoni, Una 
Rappresentazione Romana dei Kabiri di Samotracia, Ausonia, UI 
(1908), p. 79). That both temples were erected to Vediovis or known 


I 130 k 
by that name may mean that the older and younger Kabeiros, the 
father and son (v. Roscher, Lexzkon, s. v. Megaloi Theoi, p. 2540) 
were not clearly differentiated. The bearded herm is ithyphallic rep- 
resenting perhaps the Kabeiros who according to Clement of Alex- 
andria was mutilated. The phallus was carried by Kasmilos to Etruria 
where he established its worship. 

The close relation of Vediovis to Saturn is confirmed by the pres- 
ence of one of the temples of Vediovis on the Capitoline, the hill which 
was said to have been called Saturnius in pre-Roman times. If Vedi- 
ovis was a close congener of Saturn there was good reason for placing 
_ the temple of Vediovis on Saturn’s hill. Varro (De Lingua Latina, V, 
42) says that the temple of Saturn was in faucibus (sc. montis), while 
Gellius (Noctes Atticae, V, 12) places the temple of Vediovis inter 
arcem et Capitolium which is another way of saying in faucibus mon- 
tis. This close correspondence in place is matched by another coinci- 
dence. L. Furius Purpureo who held the consulship (196 B.c.) with 
the son of Marcellus, the patron of the Samothracian Kabeirion, 
vowed the temple of Vediovis on the island in 200 B.c. Now a L. Fu- 
rius of undetermined date completed the temple of Saturn (Macrob. 
Sat. 1, 8,1; cf. Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Saturnus, p. 430). Were these 
one and the same L. Furius, one and the same tribunus militum (cf. 
Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyc. s. v. Furius, 12, 86)? Was the temple 
of Saturn confused with the temple of Vediovis in this tradition or 
were these but two names for the same sanctuary? 

A further suggestion of the identity of Vediovis and Salmoxis- 
Salmoneus lies in the arrows which Gellius tells us were in the hand 
of the statue of Vediovis at Rome. Thearrows were partaead nocendum. 
The probability that Salmoxis used arrows has already been dis- 
cussed. Herodotos says that his worshippers were wont to threaten 
the god (Zeus) and discharge arrows at the sky in time of thunder 
and lightning. It is a safe inference that the devotees of Salmoxis 
shared the rage of their god and manifested it in the same way as he 
did, namely by shooting arrows at the sky. It was a frequent practice 
in mystic cult for the devotees to reénact the experiences of their god. 
The arrows of Vediovis were the symbol of his defiance of Zeus. A 
curious Persian parallel to the attack upon the sky-god with arrows 


131 

and to the chains of Saturn was the action of Xerxes who hurled 
javelins at the sun and let down chains into the sea (Diog. Laert. 
Proem. 9). The idea of threatening deity seems to have been wide- 
spread in Asia Minor and northern Greece. Alexander in sculpture 
and verse looked up to the sky and told Zeus to restrict his rule to the 
heavens. The source of the practice of threatening deity was Egyptian 
according to Iamblichos (De Mysteriis, VI, 7) who says that the 
Egyptian magicians were unlike the Chaldaean in that respect. 

Vediovis and Salmoxis resembled each other in another important 
respect. They were not only gods of thunder but also had to do with 
souls in the nether world. Vediovis who was a judge of souls (Mart. 
Cap. II, 142; 166) was invoked along with the di manes (Wissowa, 
Religion und Kultus der Romer (1902), p. 190). The Getaiin northern 
Thrace believed that at death they went to Salmoxis. The Etruscans 
believed that the dead appeared before Vediovis and his consort. 
Frothingham (4. 7. P. 1917, p. 390) finds in Martianus Capella an 
implication of Etruscan belief that souls passed out with the per- 
‘mission of Vediovis. This would make of the god a sort of Hermes 
psychopompos and explain his appearance on coins of the Julian gens 
with wings attached to his temples (Babelon, Monnates de la Répub. 
Rom. II, pp. 6, 8). It will be recalled that Kasmilos who went to 
Etruria was identified by the Greeks with Hermes who was in origin 
a fertility-god. Vediovis, Salmoxis and Kasmilos are congeneric 
mystic gods. It isa curious if not significant coincidence that the name 
*Apuoxots (Dddpoks, cf. Almon for Salmon, Plin. N. H.IV, 15, 1, 
Didot) should contain all the letters of the secret Samothracian name 
~ Kaoptndos. 

The Samothracian provenience of Vediovis is confirmed by the ded- 
ication of an altar to the god by the Julian gens at Bovillae near 
Alba in the second century B.c. (C. J. Z. 1, 807). It is conspicuous 
as the only record of Vediovis outside of Rome and the only inscrip- 
tion which mentions his name. The dedication was in accord with 
Alban rite, showing that the cult of Vediovis was centered at Alba. 
Now it was at Alba that the old Julian gens was early established. 
This gens claimed descent from the Trojan Aeneas. Vediovis was then 
the special deity of a family which claimed to have come from Troy, 


H 132 Kt 
a city not far from Samothrace, the great seat of the cult of the 
Kabeiroi. The founder of the royal house of Troy was Dardanos, who 
established the mysteries of Magna Mater while his brother Eétion 
established those at Samothrace (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Megaloi 
Theoi, p. 2528). The Julian gens then, in view of its Trojan origin and 
the Samothracian associations of its ancestral city, very naturally 
preserved the worship of the mad Zeus, even putting his head upon 
their coins. A pretty parallel to this worship is that of the Macedonian 
royal house, at least in the time of Philip who with Olympias was 
devoted to the cult of the Samothracian gods. Both the Julian and 
the Macedonian families claimed descent from a hero who enjoyed 
the distinction, poetic or otherwise, of having descended to Hades. 

Vediovis was a subterranean god of thunder. Frothingham (2. 7. 
P. 1917, pp. 384-5) would assign to him those Etruscan fulgura 
which Pliny describes as coming from the earth (NV. H. II, 138). But 
the counterparts of these straight shafts of light are to be found in 
mystic cult akin to the Samothracian. In the vision of Er the son of 
Armenios (Plato, Respub. 616B), the souls that came from the mead- 
ow beheld on the fourth day a straight light stretching throughall the 
earth and heaven likeacolumn: 614 ravrés 70d obpavod Kal yfjs Ter amévov 
pds EVOL, otov Kiova, wdArLtoTa TH iprde mpoodepés, NauTpotepov dé Kal 
kabapwrepov. The name of Er’s father, Armenios, suggests a source 
in Asia Minor for this remarkable vision. In the Oracula Sibyllina 
(II, 240) of similar provenience, mention is made of a great column 
(uéyay 6€ re kiova mE) which Dieterich compares with the Platonic 
shaft of light (Vekyza, p. 186, n. 2). The same shaft of light appears 
in the Bakchai of Euripides where it is set up by Dionysos (1082-3). 
Here the conception seems to be Thraco-Phrygian because the drama 
was probably written in Macedonia. 

These Dionysiac shafts of light seem all to radiate from the region 
of Phrygia in Asia Minor where the Ophites were later localized who 
worshipped as their principal god a Primordial Light (Legge, Fore- 
runners and Rivals of Christianity, I, p. 38). The Ophites have been 
justly called “the legitimate descendants of the Bacchic mystai” 
(King, Gnostics, p. 225). These citations from Plato and Euripides 
establish belief in a straight light, a shaft of light which rose from the 


Hl 133 I 


earth. The western version of this shaft was the straight lightning of 
Vediovis. Both gods of this shaft, Vediovis in the west and Dionysos 
in the east, were lords of souls in the underworld from which their 
light issued. 

The comparative study of Vediovis with mystic gods of northern 
Greece and Asia Minor has perhaps shown that he is not indigenous 
to Italy but that he is congeneric with the Thessalian Salmoneus, the 
Thracian Salmoxis, and the Samothracian Kasmilos, and closely akin 
to Kronos and Saturn. Vediovis in the last analysis is a Kabeiros who 
belongs to a stratum of gods antedating Zeus, a stratum originally 
chthonic. His antipathy to the celestial Zeus was shared by his wor- 
shipper and found concrete expression in the words poetically attri- 
buted to Alexander who looking upward seemed to tell.-Zeus to con- 
finehisrule to the heavens. Alexander was impersonating a mad Zeus, a 
Vediovis. 


1 ae 
a 


a4 












ue 


; Ay J, 
athe Td > in 
gat as % dene 
—t ere ok hy apes 
"hates ee his ‘ 
4 ng ys is 7 
i : 
Pan) his (oe ; ; 
iy AN y ri 
: Pas 
ity 
&, - ci) A 
ia c¥ i ; 
} : r 5 Uh ib EO) fom 
’ ‘ vit i j bh 
oe 1a | 


XXII 
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SATURN 


In the preceding study of Vediovis considerable reference was made 
to Saturn and it became evident that these two gods had much in 
common. The importance of Saturn as a congener of Vediovis needs 
further elucidation. His cult must have been widespread in early 
times because Italy was once called Satornia (Dion. Hal. 4nz. 1, 34, 
5). The Latins were the pubes Saturnia (Sil. Ital. III, 711) or the 
Saturni gens (Vergil, Zen. VII, 203). His appearance in the Etruscan 
chart of divination by thunder and lightning shows that his cult was 
known in Etruria. A city of southern Etruria was named Saturnia. 
Yet there are sparse epigraphical evidences of a cult of Saturn in Italy 
and of so late a date that they must have emanated from Rome (Ros- 
cher, Lexikon, s. v. Saturnus, p. 428). The Capitoline was known in 
 pre-Roman days as Saturnius. It was on the Capitoline that stood 
the earliest Roman temple of Saturn, apparently close to or identical 
with the temple of Vediovis. Rome was seemingly the distributing 
center in primitive Italy of these two gods who hurled thunderbolts 
from the earth and who had good reason to be angry at Zeus. 

Is there any record of this anger in the name of Saturn as there 1s 
in the name of Vediovis, the prefix of which adds the idea of madness? 
An earlier form of Saturnus was Saeturnus, the first syllable of which 
is the Greek (F) a?, the Latin uae, vé. *F a. is from *fafar which also 
yielded the collateral form BaBai. So Saturn was a mad *Turanos 
(Ouranos) justas Vedioviswasamad Diovis. The congeneric character 
of these gods may be expressed in the form of a proportion: 


Vaediovis : Diovis :: Saeturnus : *Turanos (Uranus). 


But the form Saeturnus contains a ¢ which must be explained. Sk. 
varuna shows that Gr. oipavds must come from a form *(o)fopavos 
(cf. Brugman, Griech. Gram.4 (1913), p. 173). Now the initial di- 
gamma or aspirate of the Greek was represented by a ¢in Etruscan. 
The Greek ‘Epujjs was the Etruscan Turms (Deecke, Etrusk. Forsch. 


I 136 kt 
I, 4, p. 64). The ¢ then of Saeturnus is the Etruscan version of an 
original digamma and has survived in the Latinized form of thename. - 
The same phenomenon is to be observed in the Etruscan name for 
Aphrodite which was Turan. Turan is the Latin Urania. 

Saturn is a mad Uranus. His name thus stated in terms of the 
heaven explains his appearance in the Etruscan chart of the heavens 
where in the fourteenth region Martianus Capella found Saturnus 
eiusque caelestis Funo. The hostility of these gods to each other was 
apparently an important factorin the religious experience of their prim- 
itive devotees. Salmoneus raved at Zeus, the worshippers of Salmoxis 
shot arrows at the sky, and Alexander was represented telling Zeus to 
keep within the limits of heaven. This hostility was reflected in the 
change of a city’s name. The earlier town on the site of Saturnia in 
southern Etruria was Aurinia (cf. Deecke, Etrusk. Forsch. I, 4, p. 
65 ff.). Aurinia (Ovpavia?) was the name given the city by wor- 
shippers of Uranus while Saturnia was the name given it by the 
devotees of the mad god opposed to Uranus. Varro (de L. L. V, 42) 
says that among the remains of the Saturnia on the Capitoline was a 
porta Saturnia which later received the name of porta Pandana. This 
change may reflect an opposition between two deities of fertility 
which matches that between the two Ouranoi. Panda was identified 
with Ceres. 

The character of Saturn asa god of fertilityisclearly indicated by his 
attribute, the sickle. His cult-image held it (Macrob. Sat. 1,7,24) and 
he was called _falcifer deus by Ovid (Fast. 1, 234). As a fertility-god 
he naturally acquired chthonic character as did Vediovis, and one is 
prepared for the doctrine of the servants of Saturn (Plut. de Facie in 
Orbe Lunae, 943A). It is in the mystic character of Saturn that the 
probable explanation lies of the Tritons which decorated the temple 
of the god at Rome (Macrob. Sat. 1,8, 4) and the significance of which 
aroused the curiosity of the Roman theologians. The connection of 
Tritons with the sepulchral world is to be inferred from their appear- 
ance upon grave ste/ai. The stone of Metrodoros of Chios (4th. Mitt. 
1888, pl. [V) has two Tritons heraldically posed beneath a represen- 
tation of the deceased where they are the counterparts of the Nereids 
which decorated the famous tomb in Xanthos. Again in a relief on 


137 I 


the Harpy tomb in the same place, a Triton supports the arm-rest 
of the throne. 

The mystic character of Saturn may again offer an explanation of 
the Saeturni pocolom (C. I. L. I, 48) which probably came from 
Etruria (cf. Deecke, Etrusk. Forsch. 1, 4, p. 66). This cup may cor- 
respond in significance to the cup held by the Theban Kabeiros in 
vase-paintings and to that in another Boeotian vase-painting in which 
the mystic snake rises to drink from a kantharos (Ed. Apx. 1899, pl. 
VII). It suggests also the kantharos held by the beardless Dionysiac 
figure (Kabeiros ?) of the Spartan ste/e who seems to say in the words 
of Jupiter, ashe handed the cup of immortality (ambrosiae poculo) to 
Psyche, ‘sume et immortalis esto’ (Apul. Metam. VI, 23). The priest at 
the Samothracian initiation poured out the cup for the mystai (Arch. 
Epig. Mitt. 1882, p.8,no. 14),a sacrament which perhaps throws light 
upon the significance of the caricature in the vase-painting found in 
the Theban Kabeirion that represents Kirke with a magic potion and 
the transformed companion of Odysseus (¥. H. S. 1892 (XIII), pl. 
TV). Odysseus was saved from such transformation (metasomatosis ?) 
by the intervention of the chthonic Hermes. In Etruria whither a 
Kabeiros went to teach the Etruscans a mystic worship, there was 
also apparently a cup of immortality (Mart. Capella, II, 141). Thus 
in three centers of the worship of the Kabeiroi, Samothrace, Thebes 
and Etruria, the cup and its mystic or magic brew played an important 
part which is confirmed by ancient dedications in the shrine at Thebes 
of many cups (cf. Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Megaloi Theot, p. 2539). 
Saturn, close congener of the Kabeiros, may well have had his mystic 
cup—the Saeturni pocolom. 

The proportion stated, Vaediovis : Diovis :: Saeturnus : Uranus 
readily suggests the variant: 


Vaediovis : Diovis :: Saeturnus : Turnus. 


When Saturn was driven out by Jupiter, he fled by ship to the 
coast of Latium (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Saturnus, p. 434). There the 
fugitive Saturn ruled as king and gave Latium its name of Saturnia 
terra. But Turnus was also a king in Lattum where he ruled an 
ancient people called Rutili. Thus we have two kings of Latium, 


H 138 K 

Saeturnus and Turnus. They were rival gods reduced to the rank of 
kingship just as Kronos was accounted a king of primitive times. - 
Turnus was perhaps the consort of Turan, the Etruscan Aphrodite, 
whose altars were numerous in Latium. That he belongs in the family 
circle of Aphrodite is an inference also from the name of his mother, 
Venilia. The name Turnus may be a Latinized form of an Etruscan 
name tor Turan’s consort. Turnus was allied with the Etruscans 
against the Latins and Trojans (Liv. I, 2). The names Turnus and 
Turan since Turnus was reduced to a kingship may give the ori- 
gin of the Greek word rtpavvos which appears for the first time in an 
Homeric hymn (VIII, 5) as an appellative of Ares. These names are 
then but other forms of the names Urania and Uranus and are 
derived from a base *ropavos with its varient *fopavos. 

Saeturnus came as a fugitive in a ship to Latium, the land of Tur- 
nus. Aeneas also came as a fugitive (from Zeus Agamemnon?) in a 
ship from Troy to Latium and killed Turnus (4en. XII, 926). The 
parallel between Saeturnus and Aeneas is striking and forces the © 
conclusion that the hero Aeneas is in origin another Saeturnus de- 
picted by tradition as king like Saeturnus and Kronos. The problem 
of Aeneas may then receive attention in the next study. 


XXIII 
ANCHISES AND AENEAS 


To determine the nature of the hero Aeneas one may begin with a 
study of his father Anchises. The name is almost transparent. The 
older spelling of Anchises was Agchises (Ayxions) according to Varro. 
The name means “‘sickle’’ and is akin to the Sk. ankusas from ankas 
“hook,” and to Gr. éyxipa from *ayxioa. “Ayxvpa meant “pruning- 
hook” as well as “anchor” which is but a special form of hook and 
in Kypros was the name of a coin, surviving from the time when the 
pruning-hook like the spit (8edos) was a primitive means of exchange. 
Other kindred words in Greek are ayxidos, &yxbdn, “the bend of the 
arm” with their collateral forms ¢éy«dov and f4y«An, the latter an 
ancient name for Messene. Thoukydides (VI, 4) says that 76 ¢4yKAov 
was Sicilian for 76 6pémavov. Now Anchises died at Drepane. In other 
words ‘Sickle’ died at Sickle. The place was named Drepanon (Dre- 
pane) according to a tradition preserved in Tzetzes dru éxe? fv 76 
Spéxavoy wel’ ob rov Oipavdy 6 Kpdvos éféreuev (cf. Roscher, Lexikon, 
s. v. Kronos, p. 1470). There was also a tradition that Kerkyra was 
called Drepanon because the sickle was buried there with which Zeus 
mutilated Kronos. An interesting variant of this tradition is that the 
sickle which Demeter received from Hephaistos in order to cut the 
grain was buried in Kerkyra (Roscher, zd7d.). These two versions bring 
out very clearly the character of Kronos as a god of fertility. The 
cutting of stalks of grain with a sickle has been expressed in terms 
of mutilation of a fertility-god witha sickle. The mutilation of Kronos 
by Zeus is mentioned by a scholiast on Lykophron (869) : ris dperayns 
Av 6 Zeds rauwy Ta aldota Kpdvov év Deuxedta Expupev. Thus Kronos was 
Téuvwy Kal Teuvouevos. One may question the traditional interpretation 
of the Homeric epithet of Kronos, ayxuddunris, ‘of crooked counsel,’ 
or a recent translation ‘wizard.’ It may rather contain an allusion 
to his use of the sickle. 

Anchises the ‘Sickle’ and Kronos-Saturn whose attribute was the 
sickle both figure conspicuously in the traditions of Drepanon in 


IT 140 j 

Sicily. Anchises the ‘Sickle’ was buried there as was also the sickle of 
Kronos-Saturn. The conclusion is inevitable. Anchises and Kronos-- 
Saturn were originally conceived as sickle-gods. The name of this 
preanthropomorphic god, the Sickle, has survived in the name Anchi- 
ses and in the attribute of Kronos-Saturn. This primitive god or hero 
Sickleremindsoneof the Marathonian hero Plough-Handle,’Exer) aios. 
That Anchises had divine aspirations is shown by his marriage to 
Aphrodite. Anchises and Aphrodite are the exact counterparts of 
Saturn and Urania. The marriage to Aphrodite accounts for the 
tradition that the tomb of Anchises was at the foot of Mt. Eryx in 
Sicily, because this mountain was famous for its sanctuary of Aphro- 
dite. Wedded in life, Anchises was naturally to lie near his consort in 
death. Pausanias (VIII, 12, 8) placed the sanctuary of Aphrodite at 
the foot of Mt. Agchisia in Arkadia. These traditions are but counter- 
parts because Eryx is a name derived probably from a word for 
“sickle” and therefore of the same significance as Agchisia (v. infra, p. 
164). Kronos had his hill at Olympia; his counterpart Anchises had — 
one to match both in Arkadia and in Sicily. 

There is a tradition preserved in Vergil which strikingly confirms 
the character of Anchises as a Kronos and therefore asa rival of Zeus. 
Aeneas carried his father from Troy because Anchises had been lamed 
by athunderbolt of Zeus (4en. II, 649; Servius ad /oc.). Another tradi- 
tion was that Zeus had killed Anchises (Hygin. Fad. 94). In other 
words Anchises received the same treatment as Salmoneus the Thes- 
salian Kronos who claimed he was Zeus and who was really a de- 
throned predecessor of Zeus. 

Saturn ruled in Latium where Turnus also was king. Aeneas, the 
son of Anchises and Aphrodite, slew Turnus, the son of Venilia,; when 
like Saturn Aeneas landed from a ship upon the coast of that country. 
Aeneas has distinctly the appearance of being but a replica of Saturn. 
This resemblance raises a question as to the name Aeneas, the origin 
of which is considered obscure. It is logical to expect, if Saturn and 
Aeneas are two versions of the same god, that their names may have 
been built up in the same way and embody the idea of opposition to 
a rival god. As Saturn was a mad Uranus, as Vediovis was a mad 
Diovis, and this madness was expressed in their names, so Aeneas 


141 i 
may be a mad god and his mad opposition to a god expressed in his 
name. 

ThenameAeneas, Aiveias,is very possibly derived from *fau(o) uvevas, 
a modified form of *fairivecas. Tinia was the Etruscan name for 
Zeus. Hence *fasruveras would mean “mad Zeus” like the exactly 
analogous form Vediovis. Thus Saturn, Vediovis and Aeneas were all 
gods in opposition to one who had displaced them. Such character 
for Aeneas at once explains why he was honored as Jupiter Indiges 
(Liv. I, 2; Dion. Hal. I, 64, 4) and why Parrhasios could paint 
Aeneas in company with Kastor and Polydeukes. Aeneas was appear- 
ing in his role as Zeus with the sons of Zeus the Dioskouro1. The same 
three names are found on an Attic vase of the red-figure style (7. H. 
S. VIII, pl. 81). 

The derivation of the name from *f at-ruvevas, *f avrveras makes in- 
teresting the tradition that Aeneas landed at Airva (Verg. Zen. III, 
554 ff.) the place where the buried giants belched their mad defiance 
at Zeus. It will be recalled that there was a Theban Kabeiros, the son 

‘of Prometheus who was called Airvaitos. This Kabeiros must have be- 
longed also to the Samothracian cult with its Trojan associations. In 
fact Airvatos and Aivetas may be two similar names for a Kabeiros. 
If Aeneas was an opponent of Zeus it was very appropriate for him 
to call at Aitna where other opponents lay buried. 

As a congener of the underworld Vediovis, Aeneas would be ex- 
pected to reveal a chthonic character. Dionysius (I, 64, 5) tells us 
that the Latins erected an herodn to Aeneas with the inscription 
matpos be03 xPoviov. The same author records the belief that the hero 
was translated to the gods since his body was nowhere to be found 
after the battle with the Etruscans. His ascension may have been 
patterned after that of fertility-gods. Aeneas also descended to Hades 
as did Dionysos. According to Lesches and the Kypria the wife of 
Aeneas was named Eurydike. The Orphic associations of this name 
suit very well the chthonic character of her consort. It is of interest 
to note that a statue of Aeneas stood at Alba which wasacenter of the 
cult of Vediovis. Varro saw the statue there (Joh. Lyd. De Magis. I, 
12). A god of chthonic character may also appear as a healer of the 
sick like Asklepios or be associated with such a god. Aeneas on his 


142 K 
return from Africa to Sicily was received by Akestes, a Trojan, and 
games were held in honor of the dead Anchises. Then Aeneas estab- 
lished the town of Acesta (Segesta). Now the name dxeors was the 
Phrygian for axeorhp “healer” (Etym. Mag. 51,7). Thus the chthonic 
Aeneas is brought into relation with a cult of healing. 

The son of Aeneas next invites attention. The Greek name of As- 
canius was ’Acxdduos (Etym. Mag. s. v.’Acxdvios). The Cretan name 
for the god of healing was ’Acxadmuds instead of ’Acx\amiés (Hirt, 
Hdbk.? p. 207). The similarity of the names ’Acxéduos and ’Ackad- 
wis Suggests the theory that Ascanius is none other than Asklapios 
_or Asklepios, and incidentally explains why the cult of the healing 
god received sanctuary on the island in the Tiber when it migrated 
to Rome from Greece in the late historical period. A temple of Vedio- 
vis stood on the same island. Vediovis and Asklepios were gods of the 
same chthonic circle. It was the chthonic character of Asklepios that 
found expression in his attributes the snake and the omphalos. 

The name of yet another epic hero, Achilles, may be discussed here | 
as a corollary to the problem of Anchises and Aeneas. A significant 
proper adjective is based upon his name. ’AxiAXevar xpibai designated 
a kind of barley; axiA\ecar wagfar were barley-cakes; 76 axiddevoy a 
cake. If Achilles was originally a fertility-hero this use of his name 
is readily intelligible, reminding one somewhat of the expression 
Anuhtepos axrh (Lliad, XIII, 322). The suggestion of such character 
in the use of the proper adjective is confirmed by the name of the 
companion of Achilles. Bpionis is so close to Bpicatos as to leave little 
doubt of their kinship. Now Bou aios, Borcebs was a name for Dionysos 
and derived from a word meaning “refuse grapes” (cf. Usener, Gét- 
ternamen, p. 244). Thus the names Achilles and Briseis have their 
associations with grain and grape. The wrath of Achilles, who was 
worshipped as a god at Ilion (C. J. G. 3606), is a fact of big signifi- 
cance in the epic. His wrath was directed against Zeus Agamemnon as 
Agamemnon was called in Lakonia (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. 4gamem- 
non, p. 96). Can it be that the yrs of the god entered into his name 
as it did in the case of other mad gods, that the name ’Ax1AXebs con- 
tains the word ayos (cf. Kretschmer, Glotta, IV, p. 306) and that he 
was in origin a mad god like the Thessalian Salmoneus and the Thrac- 


H 143 K 


ian Salmoxis? At Elis where Salmoneus was slain there was a cenotaph 
of Achilles who was lamented by the women at sunset (Paus. VI, 
23, 3). One thinks of the women weeping for Adonis. Or is the name 
’Axtd(A)etds built upon the root *ay x of ayxeuv, ‘to strangle’ (with bent 
arm?) aroot which is akin to that of the adjective ay «tos ‘curved’ and 
the primary meaning of which was perhaps an object bent or curved? 
*axd could in that case mean ‘sickle’ and the name of the hero have 
designated originally a fertility-fetish in the form of a sickle. The 
name would then correspond to the names of Hercules (v. infra p.162) 
and Anchises. In a subsequent chapter it will perhaps be possible to 
show that a hero (jjpws) of the grain-field became a hero of war as 
easily as his devotee the tiller of the field became a warrior. 


sui hag 





XXIV 
TITAN AND SATAN 


Tue theory has been advanced in a previous chapter that as Vediovis 
was a mad Zeus, so Saturn (Saeturnus) was a mad Turnus (Uranus). 
An interesting question now arises as to Titans and Satan, who lost 
celestial caste and were thrown into hell. The Titans were gods 
(rirfves Oeot, Hes. Theog. 630; otpaviwves, L7. V, 898) while Satan 
was a development out of a group of spirits which were thought in 
earlier days to form Jahweh’s court (Encyclopaedia of Religion and 
Ethics, IV, p. §98). According to the Talmud Satan was cast out of 
heaven. He resembles the Mithraic Ahriman in that he acquired sin- 
ister character and was consigned to the underworld. It may be that 
both Titans and Satan were once supreme gods and that they were 
ousted by new-comers in the persons of Zeus and Jahweh. This was 
the case with the Titans who held the heavenly Olympos for a while. 
Satan seems to have been reduced to the rank of archangel before he 
shared the fate of the Titans in Tartaros. On such a theory, the 
original good repute of both Titans and Satan becomes intelligible. 
A new celestial order displaced them and as defeated rivals they grad- 
ually became associated with powers of evil just as the Greek daimones, 
quite respectable in themselves, became demons under the new 
Christian regime. 

Vediovis, Satan and the Titans all had the common characteristic 
of being hostile to the ruling god. That hostility was expressed in the 
name of Vediovis as it was in the name of Saturnus. Now do the 
names of Satan and the Titans contain a similar expression? It is the 
theory of the writer that they do. According to a recent interpreta- 
tion which is based on glosses of Hesychios the name 7174» means 
‘king’ (Solmsen, Indogerm. Forsch. XXX (1912), p. 36). But this 
definition leaves the nature of the word to be ascertained. Tird» seems 
to be composed of a prefix 77 (not reduplication as M. Mayer thought) 
and a word Tap (cf. Cook, Zeus, p. 655, n. 2). Tav wasa Cretan name 
for “Zeus’ (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v.) as is seen from the phrase Tav 


1 146 jt 

Kpnrayevys. The prefix rt is conjectured to be another form of *oi, *o ax, 
*F at, 1. e. the same prefix which is found in Vaediovis and Saeturnus. 
Thus Tirav becomes a mad Tév, a mad Zeus. Diodoros (V, 66) tells 
us that those who were called Titans ruled over the region of Knossos 
where were the foundations of the house of Rhea. These Titans were 
hostile to Zeus. The prominence of the Titans in Crete explains why 
their name should be built upon the Cretan name for Zeus, Tay. Now 
Kronos was Titan in Greece and Saeturnus in Italy. Hence his oppo- 
sition to the ruling god finds expression in the prefix r- of the onename 
and in the prefix sae of the other. The definition based upon Hesy- 
_chios of the name Turdy, ‘king,’ finely confirms the analysis of the 
name because these mad Zeuses appear as kings. Saturnus was king 
of Latium, and Salmoneus, who claimed he was Zeus, was a king in 
Thessaly and Elis. It was this Salmoneus who apparently gave his 
name to the eastern promontory of Crete, Salmonitum. Curiously 
enough the Titans were kings of Thrace (cf. Cook, Zeus, p. 656) 
and Salmoneus was king of Thessaly. 

The name of Satan, who had much the same experience as the 
Titans, is derived from Hebrew Satan ‘adversary.’ He appears in 
Turkish as sheitan ‘devil.’ The name was perhaps a compound of a 
prefix sa@ for saz and tan which was of the same provenience as the 
Cretan Tav, Zeus. By thus analyzing the name one gets the appro- 
priate meaning of ‘mad Zeus’ or ‘mad god’ and Satan becomes in 
name as well as in function, like the Titans, a mad rival of the ruling 
god. Tirav is Zara. Zeus cast the Titans into the nether world; Jahweh 
consigned Satan to the same place. The identity of destination of the 
congeners Titan and Satan compels the question whether an equa- 
tion can be set down between the two supreme gods who cast them 
out. The provenance of the name Jahweh is uncertain. He was known 
to the “‘antediluvian ancestors of Israel” (cf. Encyclopaedia of Religion 
and Ethics, VII, s. v. Israel, p. 441). Zeus was anciently identified with 
Jahweh (Cook, Zeus, pp. 233, n. 7; 234, n. 4). Cook believes the iden- 
tification of Jahweh with Zeus to be earlier than the identification 
with Dionysos. Ancient identification of the two seems to be accom- 
panied by identity of name. Satan was cast out by Jahweh and 
Titan was cast out by Jo-ve (v. infra, p. 181). 


XXV 
FROM SOUL TO SUN—AN ETYMOLOGY 


THE close association of the departed soul with the sun is a very an- 
cient conceit. In Egypt in the time of the pyramids the soul of the 
pharaoh went to Ra, the sun-god, and became Ra (Breasted, Devel- 
opment of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 123). Origen 
informs us that souls perfected in Mithraism were thought to enter 
the glorious house of the sun. Manichaeism which emanated from 
Persia taught that the soul of a man who knew the truth was taken 
up to the sun purified, passed to the moon and finally placed in the 
column of glory (Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I, p. 
308). Alexander the false prophet foretold that Rutilianus would be 
a solar ray, jdcds axris (Lucian, dex. 34). In the Pistis Sophia Jesus 
tells his disciples that the souls of those who have received the higher 
“mysteries will on leaving the body become great streams of light (cf. 
Legge, ibid. II, p. 165). In a hymn of Proklos (I, 34; Abel, Orphica, 
p- 277) the sun is called dvaywyets yvxdv, while in Syrian cults the 
solar deity appearsas psychopompos (Cumont, Les Religions Orientales, 
p- 368, n. 63; p. 372). Plutarch sets forth the doctrine of the servants 
of Saturn who dwelt in the farthest north (De Facie in Orbe Lunae, 
943A). They taught that in the generation of man the earth supplied 
the body, the moon the soul, and the sun the mind. This composite 
being undergoes a double death. Demeter separates the soul and mind 
combined from the body. The soul is in turn separated from the mind 
by Hermes and Persephone, and goes to the moon while the mind 
flies up to the sun (cf. King, Grostics, p. 347). With this doctrine 
should be compared the Oriental belief that the soul passed through 
the moon to the sun (Cumont, Les Religions Orientales, pp. 186, 198). 
This intimacy of the soul with the sun raises the question whether 
the words for both are etymologically intimate. The English word 
‘soul’ is derived from Anglo-Saxon save/ which in Gothic was saiwala. 
The Greek word for ‘sun’ #Avos which is very close to Gothic saui/ 
‘sun,’ is traced back through the intermediate forms */afedvos (Cretan 


1 148 jh 
aBédvos) and *caFedwos to a base *sawelt. This form differs from Gothic ° 
saiwala in the one essential respect that @ appears in the first syllable: 
instead of a diphthong ai. But this difference is more apparent than 
real because the @ of Greek ’aé\vos may represent an original diph- 
thong avasitdoesinsuch wordsas 4(1) ei (Gothic aiws) ;’ aerés (Hesych.) 
for aierés; *danp for *dacfnp (cf. Sk. devds;v. Smyth, Greek Dialects, p. 
191, 169 n. 3). If such was the case then the base form of the Greek 
&édvos was *saiweli which is Gothic saiwala, and the two words acquire 
a phonetic identity to correspond to the conception that the soul goes 
to thesun, isof the sun. But neither Greek 40s nor Latin so/ have the 
meaning ‘soul.’ Professor H. H. Bender of Princeton University has 
kindly called my attention to the fact that among Sanskrit words 
for ‘soul’ there is no association with the sun save that to dtmén the 
native lexicographers, according to the Petersburg lexicon, ascribe 
the meaning ‘sun, fire,’ but Professor Bender does not regard this as 
important because dtmén does not occur in literature with the mean- 
ing ‘sun.’ He cites Hopkins (Religions of India, pp. 530, 531) to the 
effect that the Khonds, a Dravidian tribe, believe that the soul under 
certain circumstances goes at death to the sun. It would seem then 
that the Greek and Latin conception of the soul was a breath-soul 
and that the Germanic branch of the Indo-European family developed 
the conception of a sun-soul. The Etruscans had the idea of a spark- 
soul because their word for ‘soul’ Ainthial is certainly the same word 
as the Latin scintilla (cf. Etruscan Uhtavi with Lt. Octavia) and the 
Greek omv6hp, which in the Iliad (IV, 77) is used of sparks from stars. 
In the Peace of Aristophanes, Trygaios was asked by hisservant wheth- 
er there was any truth in the saying that after death “we become 
stars.” Cumont (Les Religions Orientales, pp. 264,399) gives references 
to the ancient belief in the soul as a spark detached from the fires that 
gleam in ether. 

A curious confirmation of the etymology proposed lies in the early 
belief that the portals of the sun and soul were the same. According 
to an ancient Babylonian conception the heaven was conceived as a 
solid vault with two doors which were localized by the astronomers 
in the signs of Cancer and Capricorn. The sun left the firmament by 
Cancer and returned by Capricorn (cf. Cumont, Textes et Monu- 


H 149 k 


ments, 1, p. 84). Porphyry (De Antro Nympharum, 22) mentions these 
signs as the portals of the soul. Souls descended through Cancer and 
ascended through Capricorn. This coincidence is probably to be ex- 
plained as the result of the notion that soul and sun were the same 
essence and consequently took the same course. Another confirmation 
of the identity of soul and sun is also indirectly given by Babylonian 
conception. Nergal, the Babylonian god of the sun was represented 
as a winged lion with human head. The fourth Mithraic degree was 
that of the lion and very important in the cult which was solar. Now 
the Mithraic initiate of this degree in assuming the guise of a lion was 
mystically identifying himself with the sun probably for the reason 
that his soul after death was to be fused with the sun. The initiation 
was a rehearsal of the experiences in store for the soul after its depar- 
ture from the body. 

The primitive word for sun *sd@iweli or *saiwalais of further interest 
because of its first syllable which curiously suggests that of Vaediovis 
and Saeturnus. It would appear as if the sun had been named in the 
same way as those gods, as if the name was a compound of *sd@i and 
*weli or *wala, and indicated that the sun was a mad *we/i or *wala. 
Homer knew of the defeat of the sun in a struggle with the powers of 
darkness: jévos 8¢| otpavod €Eaddwde (Odys. XX, 357). 

Now the parents of Helios were the children of Ouranos and Ge and 
therefore Titans for which reason Helios was also called a Titan (Ros- 
cher, Lexikon, s. v. Helios, p. 2016). As such he was a mad god and 
entitled to the prefix sa. But what would be the second part of the 
name, *wala or *weli? There is some reason to believe that it was a 
name for ‘sun.’ In the Rigveda, Vala is a cave-daimon. Indra drove 
his cattle from the cave and Vala lamented the loss of them. Indra 
reminds one of Herakles who sailed in the golden cup of the sun 
and drove off the cattle of Geryon. It is not a rash conjecture that 
the Vala of the Rigveda is a primitive sun-god who like Mithras 
the sun-god was conceived of as dwelling in a cave. Caves were dedi- 
cated to the ‘unconquered’ Mithras. If Vala was a solar god then his 
mad rival would justly bear the name of *Saiwala. 











‘ } \ ; 
t iH a hi y 5 ‘ / 
Te ae i ARE BTA eas UY ata Le aa 





XXVI 
MITRA AND MILES 


Tue similarity of the words Mithras (Sk. mitrdé) and mitra favors the 
possibility of their common origin and raises the question whether 
the word mitra may not be the source of the name of the Persian sun- 
god, Mithras. The various meanings of uirpa ‘girdle, diadem, gar- 
land’ indicate as basic meaning an object curved or bent. The Homeric 
wirpa was a girdle mostly of metal (//. IV, 187, 216; cf. Darem- 
berg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. mitra, p. 1955). A hook or sickle, or 
sickle-shaped sword would fulfill the requirements of such basic 
meaning as is proved by the modern word of Persian (?) provenience 
‘si-mitar,’ the second part of which is the old word mitra. ‘Simitar’ 
is a strange survival which gives the early form of wirpa,i.e. *ceuitpa. 
A reduction of an original *ceuirpa to pirpa would be a parallel to 
that of *ceura to pia. The word *ceuitpa may be resolved into *ceue- 
tpa and translated “earth-implement,’ the word having the same suf- 
fix as Greek épo-rpov, ‘plough’ and Latin ¢ont-trus, “Zeus’s weapon or 
bolt’ (*Tinitrus where *Tini is the Etruscan Tinia; Cretan T dv, Zeus). 

Now this earth-implement *ceuitpa would be a natural name for a 
bent stick with which the earth was ploughed or a sickle with which 
a harvest was cut. It is therefore conjectured that the primary mean- 
ing of uirpa was, as its modern congener “simitar’ suggests, “a curved 
blade, a sickle,’ and that the primary meaning of Mifpas was conse- 
quently ‘god of the sickle, sickle-god.’ The development of a sun-god 
out of a fertility or agrarian god was common enough in early times 
as is shown by the identification of Osiris with Ra in Egypt and 
Dionysos with Helios in Greece. It would then be quite natural for a 
primitive harvest-god Mithras to ascend to solar function. In the 
Rigveda (III, 59) Mitra is said to watch the tillers of the soil. 

The use of the sickle either as a harvesting implement or as a 
weapon was widespread. Marduk used it in his fight with the dragon 
and with the lion (4. 7. 4. 1916, p. 203). The appearance of the im- 
plement in the hand of Ishtar (zdzd., pp. 201-2) reminds one that 


I 152 
Demeter received from Hephaistos a sickle with which to cut grain. 
Perseus whose name is of interest in this connection used the sickle 
or éprnin cutting off the head of Medusa (Mééovea < *geued-ove a, ‘she 
that is from the earth’ (cf. ynyevjs, rerpoyerns). Hermes also slew 
Argos with a épmn. A sword of such shape was used by barbarous 
people. In Italy the sword called ensis falcatus tells its own story. The 
sickle was used in Indo-European times. Like the axe and the plough 
it apparently became the fetish of those who used it. As they came to 
demand an anthropomorphic deity their sickle-fetish was transformed 
into a god of human form keeping his name Sickle or retaining the 
_ sickle as his attribute. One thinks of the Marathonian hero’ Eyerd aitos 
or "Exerdos (Paus. I, 32, 5) who slew many of the Persians at Marathon 
with a plough (épérpw). His name and his weapon were one and the 
same. The plough-fetish became the hero ‘Plough-handle, Plough.’ 
So *semitra, another agriculturalimplement, becamea fetish and kept 
its name when it became an anthropomorphic god. Mithra appears as 
preéminently agod of battle, Cumont (Textes et Monuments, 1, p.226). 

The interpretation of Mithras as a fertility-god evolved out of a 
fetish in form of a sickle or sickle-sword throws some light upon the 
origin of the third Mithraic degree called miles. How did a soldier 
come to give his name to a mystic undergoing initiation? The reason 
lies in the original meaning of the word miles, the etymology of which 
is probably as follows: Miles <meiles <*semeiles <*semeviles. *Seme- 
viles is to be taken asa compound of *seme and *viles, signifying “earth- 
worker, earth-cultivator’ like its Latin counterpart agricola. With 
metles and *semeiles should be compared Lt. milium ‘millet’ and simila 
‘wheat flour.’ Lt. milium may likewise be derived from a form 
*semilium. 

Now as the word for ‘sickle’ 6péravov came to mean ‘sword’ in the 
compound dperavovpyés ‘sword-maker,’ so the name of him who used 
the sickle was naturally applied to him who used the sickle-sword. In 
other words, the miles of the field became on occasion the miles of 
the army, used his sickle as a sword, and took into combat his sickle- 
gods. The nude figure on the floor of the inner chamber of the Mith- 
raeum at Ostia (Cumont, did. II, p. 416, cf. pp. 256, 346d) holds 


a sickle and a spade. He may be a primitive miles. 


1153 K 


The practice of branding soldiers and slaves upon the brow may 
date back to a time when the mi/es was a slave who both worked in 
the fields and served as soldier. The Mithraic branding of the mz/es 
upon the brow was a perpetual reminder of his solemn oath accord- 
ing to Cumont (zdzd. I, p. 319). 

The connection of Mithras and mitra would give point to the re- 
mark of the Mithraic mystic who when offered a crown (aré¢avos) 
refused it saying that Mithras was his crown. Since one of the mean- 
ings of mitra is ‘crown,’ the mystic was repeating a cult-play upon 
words and saying that Mithras was his mitra. 

Both in Greece and Italy the Oriental cap called mitra was a mark 
of effeminacy (Aristophanes, Thesm. 941; Vergil, Zen. IV, 216; IX, 
616). The cap shared the contempt in which the Orientals were held 
in both countries (cf. Friedlander, Sitteng.6 I, p. 230). At Rome the 
mitra never was part of the male attire (Daremberg et Saglio, Dic- 
tionnaire, Ss. v. mitra, p. 1956). Among the gods it was the effeminate 
Dionysos who received the name of pitpnddpos (Diodoros, IV, 4, 

4). That this character clung to the mitra is evident from a statement 
by Isidorus of Seville of the seventh century: mitra est pilleum Phry- 
gium caput protegens quale est ornamentum capitis devotarum. Sed 
pilleum virorum est, mitrae autem feminarum (Etym. XIX, 31, 4). 

In view of the persistently feminine connotation of the word, it 1s 
curious that the western church should have made use of it as aname 
for a bishop’s liturgical cap. This use of the oriental name mitra or 
mitre must be due to the priestly associations of that form of cap. 
The priests of Kybele at Rome wore the mitra (Graillot, Le Culte de 
Cybele, p. 299) as did Dionysos pirpnddpos. But Braun (Die Litur- 
gische Gewandung (1907), pp. 424 ff.) finds that mitra as a name for 
a bishop’s liturgical cap came into use late, the cap being first worn by 
pope and cardinals sometime in the tenth century. That no notice 
was taken of this innovation is attributed by Braun to the stormy 
political character of the time. He suggests that the mitra may have 
been derived from the frigium (phrygium) a cap which the pope wore 
outside the church on the occasion of festal processions, a custom in 
vogue already in the eighth century (p. 496). But the names mitra 
and phrygium, both hopelessly Oriental, combine with a curious fea- 


H 154 K 


ture of the ecclesiastical mitre to prove its eastern origin. It 1s a 
pointed cap and has two pendants which in origin are the two ends ~ 
of the long band or mitra which was wound about the head. The 
mitra is seen in process of winding in an Attic vase-painting of the 
fifth century (Benndorf, Griech. und Sicil. Vasen, pl. 49, n. 5) where 
perhaps one may see the circulus aureus of the earliest ecclesiastical 
mitra (Braun, p. 458). In Braun’s illustration of the evolution of the 
mitre (p. 475) the earliest example has the two fimbriae or pendants, 
the prototypes of which are to be seen in the ‘Commodus-Mithras’ 
(7. Re SIME tol7): Dialed \. 

The oriental mitre or fillet-cap has a close counterpart in the Adpos 
aname for the mitre at Alexandria. Aépos (Lt. lira, lora) means lit- 
erally ‘thong’ but Balsamon in the twelfth century speaks of the xpu- 
goTaaTou Awpou of Cyril of Alexandria who ért xepadfs xpvcodv ASpov 
mepleBEBAnTo STE THS aylas Kal oiKovpeviKHS TpLTns gvVddouv TpolaTaTo 
(Migne, P. G. 138, p. 1048). The name and perhaps the verb zrepreBe- 
BAnro show that the Aépos was wound about the head or was a head- 
gear originally put on in that way. The same explanation may be 
true of the modern name xaundabxvov for the priest’s hat. The word 
may come from *xautab«coy as a diminutive of Kduiros, ‘rope.’ If so 
It is a pretty parallel to the use in late Latin of the word mitra in 
the sense of ‘rope’ (Isidorus, XTX, 4, 7). That the papal headdress 
was in origin a band wound about the head is shown also by another 
name for it in the twelfth century (v. Braun, zdid., p. 426). This name 
was infula but it was not in general use. It is therefore evident that 
three and possibly four names for priestly headgear have the import- 
ant common characteristic that they were originally bands wound 
about the head. The ends of this band still hang down from the west- 
ern mitre, as one end does from the Lithuanian muturis (H. H. Ben- 
der, 4 Lithuanian Etymological Index (1921), p. 168, s. v. muturis). 
As a band wound round and round like a turban, the mitre preserved 
the primary meaning of something curved, like a girdle, a diadem, a 
garland, a simitar or sickle. 

The word yirpa was not the only contribution which eastern pagan- 
ism made to Christian terminology in the west. Justin Martyr (Apol. 
I, 66) conveniently asserts that devils prompted the Mithraists in 


155 K 


their mystic initiation to imitate the Christian sacrament with a 
sacrament of bread and water. His statement is of value as showing 
the great similarity between the pagan and Christian eucharist and 
raises a question whether both cults had the same name for it. This 
would not be surprising in view of the obligation of the Christian church 
to the Mithraic as revealed by the single fact that the Christians 
changed the birthday of Christ to the twenty-fifth of December which 
in the Mithraic calendar was the birthday of the sun (cf. Frazer, 
Adonis, Attis, Osiris®, p. 255). There is then nothing startling in the 
idea that the western church took the name of its sacrament missa 
from a Mithraic word. In an essay on the Parses, Haug describes 
a round cake which was sacramentally eaten (Essay on the Religion 
of the Parses*, pp. 112, 137, 368). This cake was made of sacrificial 
flesh mixed with bread and called ‘myazd’ or ‘myazda’ in which name 
King (Gnostics, p. 124) sees the source of the word missa. To these 
words Robertson (Pagan Christs,p.352,n.6)adds the Greek pa fa‘cake.’ 

But such derivation of the word is not the accepted one. According 
to Fortescue (The Mass (1917), p. 399) the first occurrence of the 
word missa 1s in a letter of St. Ambrose of the fourth century. 
That there was some doubt as to the significance of the word is clear 
from the question which King Gundobad of Burgundy (died 516) 
addressed to Avitus the bishop of Vienne (Kellner, Heortology (1908), 
p- 432). There must have been a dispute among the learned of Gundo- 
bad’s court because he asked the bishop what the word missa meant. 
Now Oriental paganism had flourished in the Rhone valley. At 
Lyons in the latter part of the second century Irenaeus wrote five 
books against heresies. The cult of Mithras claimed its devotees in 
the valley. There was a spe/aeum at Vienne. The cult enjoyed con- 
siderable popularity at Lyons and at other places Mithraic monu- 
ments establish the presence of the cult (cf. Cumont, Textes et Monu- 
ments, 1, p. 267; II, p. 400). So Gundobad’s question to the bishop at 
Vienne was very probably prompted by the rival claims of Mithraists 
and Christians to the word for their common sacrament. The bishop 
replied to Gundobad that missam facere was the same as dimittere, an 
expression used by the Romans in adjourning an audience and that 
the term was so used in the church. The traditional interpretation of 


156 ft 

missa which derives it from missio (dimissio) is accepted by Kellner, 
Fortescue, and quite recently by Preserved Smith (Christian Theo- 
phagy (1922), p. 89). Kellner however remarks: “The name missa 
was far-fetched and unsuitable but popular usage does not form its 
nomenclature upon scientific principles but from what most strikes 
the popular fancy.” Fortescue attempts to justify the traditional der- 
ivation by saying that “‘to stay till the missa catachumenorum or 
fidelium became to stay for the missa.” Kellner finds that “as a term 
unmistakably applied to the mass by itself, mzssa appears for the 
first time in the fourth synod of Arles” (524). This fact 1s impor- 
tant. Early in the sixth century missa, an acknowledged popular 
term, had risen from the language of daily life to that of a synod 
held in the Rhone valley where Mithraism had long existed. The 
word must have been in use some time before it rose socially to 
the language of a synod, and was certainly in use before the ex- 
tinction of Mithraism which survived in remote sections into the 
sixth century. 

The difficulty of interpretation which the word missa occasions 
when taken in the sense of ‘dismissal’ vanishes so soon as the word is 
derived from the Persian myazda or mizd, ‘cake’ and considered iden- 
tical with Greek wa¢aand Hebrew maxzzoth (cf. Selwyn, First Christian 
Ideas, p. 215). The syncretism of the time which led the priests of 
Mithras to say: “That onein the cap (the Phrygian cap of Mithras) is 
a Christian too” (Cumont, Textes et Monuments, II, p. 59; cf. Graillot, 
Le Culte de Cybéle, p. 544) would have made it easy for the Christian 
to say to the Mithraist: “Our sacrificium, our oblatio is your missa.” 
When the Mithraists went over to Christianity what was more natural 
than they should take with them theirown name for asacrament which 
was so like their own that Justin Martyr could make the charge of imi- 
tation. There were apparently two words missa, one derived from the 
Latin mittere and the other a Latinized form of the Persian myazda 
‘sacramental cake.’ This word carried by Roman Mithraists in the 
ranks of the army from Asia Minor to Italy was propagated first in the 
vulgar speech and then rose in time toecclesiastical dignity, very much 
as Christianity starting in the lowerclasses of Roman society gradually 
improved its social status. 


H 157 I 


If missa is correctly derived from myazda then it loses the senseless 
meaning of ‘dismissal’ and acquires that of ‘sacramental cake’ which 
is quite appropriate as designating the very substance of the sacra- 
ment. The Mithraic vase xpargp yielded a Latin diminutive cratella 
from which was derived the word ‘grail,’ the name for the chalice of 
Sir Galahad. Thus the terminology of the western church owes two 
names of sacramental character to the Mithraic communion, and 
owes its liturgical mitre to the oriental mztra—obligations naturally 
expected because Mithraism was strong enough to inspire a Mithraic 
date for Christmas. Its influence found expression in yet another 
name. The fourth degree of the Mithraic initiation was known as 
that of /eo, a very important degree among the seven which the mys- 
tic took. A Mithraic title pater leonum (Cumont, Textes et Monuments, 
II, p. 121,n. 157) reveals a close connection between pater (alsoaname 
of the seventh degree) and /eo in the cult. As the initiate who took the 
degree of /eo assumed the guise of a lion and was called /ea, it was al- 
together reasonable that the name should be given individuals. As the 
Egyptian Ra-hotep could incorporate the name of the solar Ra in his 
own name, as Mithradates took his name from the sun-god Mithras, 
so a Roman Mithraist might take the name of /eo, the symbol of the 
sun. Leo as an individual’s name was essentially theophoric. The reas- 
onable conjecture has already been made (supra, p. 34) that the first 
pope Leo owes his name directly or indirectly to the Mithraic /eo. 
One might call him “pater leonum.” The name Renatus (René) of a 
writer of the fifth century is another case of the same kind, but taken 
from the cult of Kybele in which one was said through the éaurobolium 
to be “renatus in aeternum.” These are all indices of a continuity al- 
together natural. The cult of Asklepios passed on to the Greek church 
the practice of incubatio and the hybrid image in the sanctuary 
of Mithras rerpoyerys handed over his two keys to St. Peter. 









2 “4 7 a a 
j ny a : a 
t) ¥ ; ve : t 


XXVII 


THE VICTORY OF ARCHERMOS AND THE SERAPH 
OF ISAIAH 


Tue Victory of Archermos, a statue of the archaic Ionic school, has 
been correctly restored with three pairs of wings (Baumgarten, Die 
Fellenische Kultur, p. 135). The full rounded face of the Victory pre- 
senting a sharp contrast to the somewhat triangular form which pre- 
vailed in the early Cretan school marks the statue of Archermos as 
somewhat Assyrian in character like the heavy figures of Branchidai. 
It is reasonable to suppose that this influence found its way into Ionic 
art by way of Phoenicia where the Assyrians had penetrated in the 
eighth and seventh centuries. In any case the Victory of Archermos 
has six wings like the Kronos which occurs frequently on the coins 
of Byblos (Babelon, Catal. des Monnaies Grecques: Les Perses Aché- 

ménides, pl.27,n. 4 p. 197). 

A comparison of the Victory with the Seraphim described by Isaiah 
(VI, 1-7) reveals interesting similarities. One pair of wings was at- 
tached to the back of the Victory, another to the upper chest near 
the shoulders and the third to the ankles. Isaiah says of the Seraphim: 
“Each one had six wings; with twain he covered his face, and with 
twain he covered his feet, and with twain he did fly.” This descrip- 
tion could be applied to the Victory of Archermos in which the wings 
near the shoulders need merely to be enlarged in order to meet the 
requirement of covering the face. 

Isaiah saw the Seraphim standing above the throne upon which the 
Lord sat. Of this picture we seem to have a reflection in the several 
victories which were set by Pheidias about the base of the throne of 
the seated Zeus at Olympia (Paus. V, 11,2) and especially in Apulian 
vase-painting of the fourth century where a victory is perched on the 
back of Pluto’s throne, flying out from either corner as if to bear a 
message (Furtwangler-Reichhold, Griech. Vasenmaleret, pls. 10; 88). 
Inscriptions from the island of Rheneia dated in the second century 
B.C. name eds tyioros and his angels (Deissmann, PAi/ologus, LXI 


|} 160 ff 


(1902), pp. 252, 262). The Greek victories were of the female sex and 
when placed about the throne of the seated Zeus appear to be the | 
counterpart of the Seraphim. The plurality of victories was not con- 
fined to Greek art for the Nike-balustrade at Athens had its counter- 
part in poetry: 


Nikat wapecpev ai yeAOoat tapbévor 
vikas dépovoat. 


The word seraph invites a moment’s notice. Although a Semitic 
word it has a phonetic resemblance to the Greek ‘Epyjjs if weassumea 
developmentas follows: ‘Epyfs <*cepauns <*oepaFuns. Suchderivation 
is confirmed by the semantic similarities. Seraph means (1) ‘serpent,’ 
(2) ‘angel.’ The Seraphs are regarded as the highest order of angels 
and as messengers between heaven and earth (Smith, Dictionary of 
the Bible, s.v.; Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, \V, 
p- 595, where the Seraphim are attendants rather than messengers). 
The Greek Hermes met that requirement well enough. He was a mes- 
senger of Zeus between earth and heaven. The other and probably 
primary meaning of seraph ‘serpent’ is also present in Hermes. The 
snakes of his caduceus hint at the original form of Hermes as a snake. 
Frothingham (4. 7. 4.1916, p. 175) discussing the Babylonian origin 
of Hermes and the caduceus reaches the conclusion that “the proto- 
Hermes was a snake-god.” His name, ‘Epyjjs, is Latin ver-mis, Gothic 
waur-ms, and Greek éduvs,-vv6os ‘worm’ which is composed of *é\ and 
a possessive suffix wird (ms in Gothic, mis in Latin) 1. e. “that which 
has a coil’ (cf. €\-cé). Both seraph and Hermes appear to be anthro- 
pomorphized serpents, primitive fertility-gods reduced to the grade 
of messenger by a new regime. This too was perhaps the fate of the 
messenger of Indra, Sarama, whose name resembles and confirms the 
form *cepauns, the conjectured earlier form of ‘Epufs. As a snake 
Hermes would be a fitting messenger to the underworld Zeus, gliding 
down into the earth. When the primitive subterranean heaven be- 
came celestial, Hermes the serpent-messenger was translated to 
Olympos but he still continued to act as messenger to the underworld. 

There is another Greek word which is possibly akin to seraph. The 
word xpi¢ losmayrepresentan earlier *xepudcos (cf. kpaous and Kepavvupe) 


W 161 \ 
and this *xepud-ws (cherub? cf. Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion 
and Ethics, \I1,s.v.Cherud, p. 511) may bea variant of seraph. Kpb¢uos, 
an epithet of 3¢is, was the name of the second Mithraic degree which 
was one of the three servant-grades of the initiation and reminds 
one of the snake-Hermes, the servant-messenger of Zeus. 


Mags 





XXVIII 
THE PRIMITIVE CHARACTER OF HERCULES 


Momsen once proposed to connect the nameof Hercules with épxeuy 
and to make of him a god who excluded the stranger and the disturber 
from one’s property, 1. e. a custos domesticus. But this function agreed 
so slightly with the character of Hercules that Mommsen discarded 
the etymology (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Hercules, p. 2269; cf. Kretsch- 
mer, Glotta, VIII, p. 121). But the derivation is logical if the primary 
meaning of épxos is taken. The word means ‘wall’ but early walls were 
frequently concentric. Hence the primary meaning of épxos would be 
‘curve, curved object’ as in the Homeric expression épxos 6d6vTwv. A 
bow (Lt. arcus) orasickle-blade suchasHercules used toslay thehydra 
would meet this requirement. The curve of the sickle was noted by Ho- 
mer in the phrase dpéravoy ebxaureés (Odys. XVIII, 368). Hence Hercu- 
~ lesmayhave signified originally ‘bow’ or ‘sickle,’ the root being herkor 
(Lt. carcer, ‘an enclosed space’; cf. ayxbdos ‘curved’ and éyxos ‘bend’). 
The sickle was an extremely primitive implement apparently made 
first of wood, an example of which is extant (Daremberg et Saglio, 
Dictionnaire, s. v. falx, p. 968). Hercules thus becomes the anthro- 
pomorphic version of a fetish whose consort might be named falcu/a. 
There was a female companion of Persephone called Herkynna 
(Roscher, Lexikon, s.v. Herkyna). Her name “Epxvrvva is perhaps from 
**Epxudva, which is so close to falcula as to suggest their phonetic 
identification. *‘EpxvAva as a companion of the chthonic Persephone 
would make a very good consort for the chthonic Hercules. Perhaps 
this chthonic couple enjoyed a higher station before Persephone came 
and made Herkynna her companion. The name of Hercules was appar- 
ently built upon a weak form of the root herkor while a strong form 
herakre was the basis of his Greek name ‘Hpax\fs. 

This derivation at once raises a question as to épxetos which was an 
appellative of Zeus. Zeds épxetos is not ‘Zeus of the enclosure,’ but 
rather ‘Zeus of the sickle’ or Sickle-Zeus. To call him Sickle-Zeus is 
to identify him with Saturn (Kronos) whose attribute was the sickle. 
Hence Sickle-Zeus was the predecessor and rival of Zeus, and it is 


HH 164 
clear why Zeus Kataibates and Zeus Herkeios should have had altars 
together in the 4/tis at Olympia and why the eagle and the serpent - 
should appear on the coins of Elis. These rival gods had altars near 
together just as in Syria they received dedications together under the 
names of Zeus Madbachos and Selamanes, and just as they were men- 
tioned together in supplications under the names of Diovis and Vedi- 
ovis (v. supra, p. 124). It is very probable that Zeus Kataibates and 
Zeus Herkeioswere similarly linkedin the traditions of the Erechtheion 
and that the altar in the north porch of that temple was dedicated to 
Zeus Kataibates (Zeus Hypatos), as I once had the temerity to sug- 
gest and as I still believe (cf. Problems in Periclean Buildings, p. 36).- 

In a previous chapter (p.140) the tradition was noted that Anchises 
had an heroén on Mt. Eryx in Sicily and a tomb on Mt. Anchisia in 
Arkadia. The two names Eryx and Anchisia seem both to designate 
a mountain sacred to a sickle-god. For Eryx is perhaps to be derived 
from the same root as the name Hercules. 

Another word to be grouped with épxos and its family is xipxos which 
means both ‘circle, ring’ (cf. Lt. circus and Syrian karka “town within 
curved wall’?) and ‘falcon.’ Since falcon is the “sickle-beaked’ bird, 
the two meanings of xipxos are readily derived from a basic idea of 
something curved or arched (but cf. Cook, Zeus, I, p. 242, n.8).Such 
was also the basic meaning of épxos. Now épxos and xipxos must be va- 
riants of the same word ultimately, their roots being herkor, serkor, or 
kerkor. Kipxos ‘falcon’ should be compared with dpzzy ‘kite.’ The dis- 
cussion of these words may throw light upon the origins of Kirké who 
transformed the companions of Odysseus with a magic brew—a prim- 
itivesacramental (?) rite (cf. Cook, Zeus, I, p. 243). Kirke is perhaps 
but another name for Herkynna and the sickle-consort of a sickle- 
god. The Etruscan name of this sickle-god may be Tu-chulcha, a de- 
mon with an enormous curved bird’s beak in place of a nose who 
appears in a tomb-painting where he threatens Orpheus in the under- 
world (Weege, Etruskische Malerei (1921), p. 29, fig. 25). The tu 
is perhaps a prefix and chulcha the equivalent of xipxos. If so it would 
seem that the Etruscans pronounced & somewhat like the modern 
Cretans. Kirke was the daughter of Helios, a Titan, and that gives 
her solar character but before she assumed it she was a fertility- 


H 165 } 


goddess. The theriomorphic Kirke was a hawk the sickle-beak of 
which qualified it to serve asa logical animal embodiment of the prim- 
itive sickle-fetish. Fertility-gods became sun-gods naturally because 
of the dependence of fertility upon the sun. Kirke ascended to heaven 
for the same reason that the fertility-gods Dionysos and Osiris as- 
cended to the sky to be identified with the sun. Kirke, the hawk,would 
make a good consort for the hawk-headed solar Horus of Egypt. 

The Latin word for ‘sickle’ sica, which furnished an ancient people 
in Italy with their name Sicani, is congeneric with Greek égpxos and 
Lt. circus, for sicais a reduction of *sirca with compensatory lengthen- 
ing of the z vowel. Another example of the same reduction in the same 
group of words is the proper name Cacus (Kéxos). Cacus was the son 
of Vulcan and lived in a cave on the Aventine. He stole some of the 
cattle of Geryon from Hercules whom he fought with fire and smoke. 
Cacus and his sister or consort Caca were a pair of primitive solar 
deities probably ultimately the same as *Kipxos and Kipxn, and like 
them originating in the sickle-fetish. The names Cacus and Caca are 
- reduced forms from *Cércus and *Cérca (*xepxos, *xepxa) and are de- 
rived from the root *kerkor meaning ‘curved.’ They were all sickle- 
deities. The name “Ad¢atoros who gave Demeter the sickle probably 
also contains the word éprn ‘sickle’ (*capm-hatoros?). For the reduc- 
tion of *Kepxos to Kaxos there are sufficient parallels: 

éoxos ‘enclosure’ Doric caxés ‘enclosure’ 
kapros ‘fruit’ a kamos ‘orchard’ 
épua ‘mound’ géua ‘mound’ 
Epunvevu ‘interpret’ onwUava ‘point out’ 
Sk. kartas ‘pit’ katas ‘depth’ 

The story of the lameness of Hephaistos and of Anchises may have 
been invented to account for a tradition that they were ‘bent.’ Homer 
makes Hephaistos lame from birth (7, XVIII, 397). Such tradition 
would carry one back beyond the anthropomorphic sickle-gods to the 
sickle-fetishes of bent or curved form. The Sanskrit word kaka ‘lame 
man, cripple’ is very probably the same as the Greek Kéxos, and if so 
proves that Cacus was originally lame or bent like his sickle-congen- 
ers Hephaistos and Anchises. 

The pruning-hook or sickle was so important in primitive times 


«ec 


i 166 ff 


that it served as a unit of exchange, like the spit, 68edos. Forin Kypros | 
a coin was called é&yxvpa which meant ‘pruning-hook.’ The Hebrew 
sheqel, Assyrian sik/u, reminds one of the Latin sici/is ‘sickle’ and sici/1- 
cus. They are phonetically very close. The sheqel was an ancient Baby- 
lonian unit of weight as was the sicz/icus, the forty-eighth part of an 
as. The sheqel became a coin, as did sicilicus in Italy and ayxvpa in 
Kypros. The Semitic word may have meant originally ‘sickle.’ Such an 
implement would very naturally become a unit of weight and a 
medium of exchange. 

_ The sickle was used by Kronos to emasculate Uranos and by Zeus 
to emasculate Kronos who was anciently described as réurwy xal 
reuvouevos. Lhis emasculation suggests comparison with that of Noah 
by Ham, for such has been an interpretation of Ham’s act (Genesis, 
IX, 22-24; cf. The Fewish Encyclopedia, s. v. Ham). The treatment 
of Noah the vine-grower while intoxicated looks like a fertility-rite. 
The emasculation of Kronos almost certainly was such a rite which | 
survived in the cult of Attis. Now if it is a fertility-rite we should 
expect further suggestion of it. The names of the three sons of Noah, 
the founders of the human race, have names of the earth earthy. Shem 
suggests the first syllable and the root (?) of the Greek Yeu-édn, the 
Earth-goddess; Ham reminds one of xay-tvy, an appellative of De- 
meter, while the third son Japheth (1a¢e@) has been identified with 
the Greek ’Iazerés (Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, s.v. Fapheth). 
This Iapetos was a Titan, son of Ouranos and Gaia. Homer (//. VIII, 
479) put him in Tartaros along with Kronos. But the name Japheth 
is rather an adjective containing *éva and the possessive suffix pheth 
(ve[z|¢h) and therefore identical with the name of Zeus. The three 
sons of the emasculated Noah thus appear to have names etymo- 
logically akin to the Greek roots *ceu, *xay and *éva, as Latin homo 
is to *xau. A son of Shem was called Arphaxad (Genesis, XI, 10); a 
son of Hera (identified with Demeter at Argos) was Hephaistos, a 
name which possibly is from *Zaprhatoros. Can it be that *Daprhat- 
gros 1s (S)arphaxad? A sickle-hero would not be out of place in a 
family that had to do with fertility. The implement used on Noah 
may have been of the same sort as that used on Kronos, a sickle or 
the vine-grower’s pruning-hook. 


XXIX 
ZEUS LYKAIOS AND LYKOURGOS 


THERE is an interesting group of words which are semantically very 
close to one another but phonetically show an interchange of p and 
k. They may be arranged in the following scheme to make clear this 
relation: - 


“wolf? “hook” 
Lt. lupus és cc 
Gr. dbxos « « 
aptn } « 
Sab. hirpus x 
Gr. kipkos « orinow 
ép Kos c (of wall) 


The comparative study of this congeneric group would seem to 
warrant an original pair of related roots *(s)/g*r and *srg4r with 
a variant krg*r ‘hook’ (circle) ‘wolf’, the labiovelar of which appeared 
as k or p. That one of these meanings arose out of the other seems 
certain and perhaps ‘hook’ should be chosen as the primary one. 

This possibility raises a question as to the significance of the appel- 
lative of Zeus Lykaios. Does it mean “Zeus of the wolf,’ or ‘Zeus of 
the hook’ (i. e. sickle)? If the latter was originally intended, then 
Zeus Lykaios would be but another name for Saturn or Kronos whose 
attribute was the hook or sickle and Mt. Lykaios in Arkadia where 
the cult of Zeus Lykaios was localized would be the counterpart of 
Kronion hill at Olympia. Ankaios the son of Lykourgos, who was king 
of Arkadia according to one tradition, has a name which seems to 
mean ‘hook’ and to be of the same root as Sk. ankas ‘hook’ and Gr. 
ayxupa. Zeus Lykaios would also be identified with Zeus Herkeios. 

There can be no question about the connection of the wolf with 
the cult of Zeus Lykaios in whose sanctuary devotees were said on 
occasion to be transformed into wolves (Frazer, Paus. IV, p. 189). 
But this connection is here conjectured to be secondary. The primi- 
tive Abxos was a sickle or hook-fetish. In the theriomorphic stage of 


} 168 | 


the cult the sickle-fetish was superseded by the wolf which because 
of its slashing habits with its sabre or sickle-tooth was eminently — 
qualified to act as the animal embodiment of the god. The transfor- 
mation of the god into a wolf would explain the rite in which the 
devotee was transformed into a wolf. It was a primitive imitation of 
deity. 

Bee names confirm this theory. Avxos was a proper name of fre- 
quent occurrence in Greece. A son of Prometheus was so called and 
in Boeotia the son of Chthonios bore the name. A Lykos was slain 
by Herakles. Numerous rivers bore the name Lykos (Roscher, Lexi- 
kon, S. V. p. 2190) very probably because they were winding streams, 
a succession of curves, rather than because their angry waters sug- 
gested the fierceness of the wolf. The name of Sarpédon, the king of 
Lykia, is clear as crystal. It is a compound of épzy ‘sickle’ (Etym. 
Mag. p. 708, 49) with 65a» the Ionic form of ééots ‘tooth,’ and means 
‘Sickle-tooth.’ The name was semantically appropriate for a king of 
the Avxvor. Sarpedon seems to have been a primitive Kronos in origin 
who went from Crete to Lykia. He was carried to Lykia for burial 
(I7. XVI, 682). In any case it is no wonder that Lykos the son of 
Pandion when expelled from Athens took refuge with Sarpedon. The 
adjective dyxudddous “crook-toothed’ applied to the curved blade with 
which Herakles cut off the heads of the hydra (Quint. Smyr. Post- 
hom. V1,218) would have served equally well as a name of Sarpedon. 
It is possible that the name of the country Lykia meant ‘sickle-land’ 
likeSiciliain the west, and that the Lykioi wereinname the counterpart 
of the Sicani that ancient people of Italy whose name is derived from 
sica ‘sickle.’ A widespread propagation of the cult of Sickle-Saturn 
would explain the popularity of namesderived from theword for‘sickle’ 
or ‘hook.’ There wasa tradition that an Arcadian colony settled on the 
Tiber where Romewasafterwards founded and that thesettlement was 
called Pallanteum (Vergil, 4en. VIII, 54) probably after the Arcad- 
ian city of the same name. They may have carried the ‘sickle’ cult 
west. This sickle-cult seems to have been also a wolf-cult and to 
force the conclusion that the theriomorphic phase of the sickle-cult 
was the wolf-cult. In this connection should be noted the cult of 
Soranus Pater on Mt. Soracte. This cult was in the care of a family 


I 169 

named Hirpini who called themselves the Hirpi Sorani (Roscher, 
Lexikon, s. v. Soranus), ‘the wolves of Soranus.’ Servius says that 
Soranus was a name for Dis Pater. In other words Soranus combines 
the chthonic aspect with the mountain abode of Kronos. This coin- 
cidence raises the question whether the Hirpi Sorani were not in 
origin “Sickles of Saturn” for hirpus looks very much like a mas- 
culine to apy ‘sickle.’ A hint of the original significance of /upus 
as ‘hook, pruning-hook’ lies perhaps in its appearance as a surname 
of the gens Rutilia. The Rutili were the ancient people of Latium 
whoseking Turnus was killed by Aeneas. Latium was anciently called 
Saturnia terra and was therefore the land of the sickle-god Saturn. 
Hence the name Lupus would be especially appropriate to an ancient 
family of Saturnia terra if Lupus retained its primary meaning of 
‘hook or sickle.’ 

The study of the word dbxos carries with it a study of the name 
Avxotpyos. The Thracian Lykourgos appears in epic as a rival of 
Dionysos whom he drove into the sea. Their struggle is to be explained 
probably as that of tworival fertility-heroes. The madness of Lykour- 
gos and his confinement in chains are Saturnian features of a hero or 
god blinded by Zeus. Lykourgos appears in vase-painting with the 
double-axe in indication perhaps of his rivalry with Zeus (Roscher, 
Lexikon, s.v. Lykourgos, p. 2195). The \bxo- of this name cannot mean 
‘wolf.’ If it means ‘sickle,’ then the name Avxotpyos ‘sickle-maker’ is 
formed exactly like Sper avovpyés and has exactly the same meaning. 
That Lykourgos originally meant ‘sickle-maker’ is confirmed by the 
name of a son, Ankaios, already discussed, a name which is derived 
from a word meaning ‘hook.’ Thus the primitive Arcadian king Ly- 
kourgos ‘Sickle-maker’ hadason ‘Hook’ or ‘Pruning-hook:? If Wilamo- 
witz (Hom. Untersuch. p. 267) is right in associating the Spartan 
Lykourgos with the Arcadian Zeus Lykaios, then Lykourgos was 
ecuoddpos for the same reason that Demeter was. Both were vegeta- 
tion-deities. Gecuopdpos was also an Orphic appellative of Dionysos. 
That Lykos, like other fertility-gods, acquired solar character 1s clear 
from the fact that Boeotian tradition knew of two brothers Lykos 
and Nykteus (Apollod. III, 10, 1). Lykos and Mithras both sickle- 
gods became solar like Kirke. 


170 K 
As Lykourgos is to Nbxos so perhaps 1s Lupercus to /upus. Lupercus 
is given as the Roman name of the Lycean Pan who at least shows ~ 
the Arcadian connections of Lupercus. It is possible that Lupercus 
was a fertility-god whose consort was Luperca and whose festival 
the Lupercalia was marked by a ceremony which was supposed to 
make women fruitful. 


XXX 
APTO> OPOEOZTATHS 


A scuo.iast on Lucian (Dial. Meretr. VII, 4; text quoted by J. E. 
Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 148) speaks of a curious feature of a sacra- 
mental banquet which marked the culmination of the Eleusinian 
Haloa, a Dionysiac festival celebrated by women alone. The words 
of the scholiast are: mpédcxerrat 5¢ rats rparéfais Kal éx maKkodrTOS 
KaTecKevaguéeva audotépwy yevr@v aidota. AdA@a dé éxrAnOn dia Tov Kaprov 
rod Avovicov. In another passage (quoted by Miss Harrison, idid. p. 
121) the scholiast says that at the Arrephoria, sacred objects of cereal 
paste were carried about which he calls wiuhuara. . . dvdpdvoxnuarwr. 
Athenaios (XIV, 647) quotes Herakleides the Syracusan to the effect 
that on the chief day of the Thesmophoria the female aidota made 
of sesame and honey were carried round for the goddesses, and that 
these objects were called yvddot throughout all Sicily. Athenaios also 
mentions a cake of the form of the breast (waoroevdets) which was 
carried round in festivals of women in Lakonia. This remarkable 
pastry probably included the évaeraro. which were made for the 
festival of Arrephoria. The avaoraros has been identified in modern 
times with a sacred cake mentioned by Pollux, the dpzos époararns 
(cf. Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. pistrina, p. 497, n. 26). 
The a&pros avaoraros, called also vacrés, was especially for the Arre- 
phoroi (cf. Suidas, s. v. avacraros). Now the ceremony of the Arre- 
phoria was in honor of the daughters of Kekrops who with Erich- 
thonios presided over agriculture and the growth of crops. These 
peculiar cakes are intelligible enough. In a fertility-cult the factors 
in reproduction and nourishment of life were logically emphasized. 
As Couat has said, “la religion était la divinisation de toutes les 
forces créatrices. Tout ce qui sert a perpétuer la vie dans le monde 
étant considéré comme divin, les organes de la reproduction avaient 
droit aun culte” (4ristophane et l’ Ancitenne Comédie Attique, p. 226). 
There is very possibly a connection in idea between the mutilation 
of the fertility-god Dionysos as recorded by Clement of Alexandria 


1 172 k 

(Protrep. 11, 16P) and the &pros épocrarns. The Kabeiroi killed their 
brother Dionysos and sent his aidotoy in a kiste to Tyrrhenia. Now - 
the aldotov of a cereal-god, a kolpavos kapr&v such as Dionysos, might 
very logically be made of cereal, and the removal and consumption 
of such vires might be thought to impart to the consumer their energy. 
To incorporate the reproductive means of a god of fertility was a 
primitive invitation to fertility. 

Ithyphallic bread has survived in Italy to the present day. The 
writer saw specimens in a Tarentine restaurant, and they are still 
handed about at Easter in some parts of Italy (Cornford, Origin of 
Attic Comedy, p. 102, n. 3). Phalloi of bread which had been blessed 
by priests were carried until recently at the Féte des Epines, a name 
for Palm Sunday (Psyche and Eros, II, 3, p. 167). The appearance of 
such pastry at Easter time is extremely significant. That it is the 
descendant of the phallic pastry of the Eleusinian Haloa or similar 
pastry can hardly be doubted. As such it attests the survival of the 
primitive connection between the ideas of fertility and resurrection. 
The phallos of the fertility-god Dionysos, a pregnant symbol of re- 
production, survived when he became a god of resurrection and im- 
mortality as fertility-gods in Greece were wont to become. It was an 
altogether logical sequence of ideas that a fertility-god who resusci- 
tated plant-life should also resuscitate or resurrect human life, a 
sequence which finds expression in Euripides: “Thus much shall 
I ask of the Maid that is below who is the child of the fruit-creating 
goddess Demeter—that she send up the soul of this one.” 


toaovoe Niudnv tiv Evep&’ aitrnoouar 

THS KaptToTo.tod tatda Anunrpos eds 
a ne 

Yuxnv avetvat Tovd. 


(Rhesos, 963-5). 


The importance in pagan cult of phallic bread would lead one to 
expect some allusion to it in contemporary comedy which did not 
hesitate to parody mystic rite. There is a fragment of Nikostratos 
(Kock, Com. Att. Frag. 11, p.223) froma comedy entitled KXtvn, which 
probably contains such allusion: 


I 173 k 


vaoTos TO peyebos THALKOUTOS béoTOT A, 
\evkos’ TO TAXOS Yap DTEPEeKUTTE TOD Kavov. 
dcop b€, Tomi BAnp’ érel repinpébn, 

dvw Badtte cal wédure pewrypéery 

arts Tis Els TAS Plvas: ETL Yap BEeppos HY. 


This fragment and others of its sort may be the remote prototypes 
of the enigma in the Facetious Nights of Straparola (e. g. VII, 3; W. 
G. Waters’ translation, vol. III, p. 140) and this in turn the model 
of Sir John Suckling’s 4 Candle. 


f 








Li ‘ 
Mer), 
7 ay 


= = 
a a 
oa 








{eed 
; fe , 
pope oe 
Pye , 
Us UO as a! TAA 
be ' ' — vy 
ie . ‘Gal Te ee ik eb 
hg PR he Vo fit ba Men) c 
‘ : oa " i ea 


XXXII 
ON THE GENESIS OF CERTAIN GODS AND HEROES 


THE name of Saturnus seemed on analysis to be composed of a prefix 
sae and Turnus, a form of obpavés (v. supra, p. 134). This raises the 
question whether the Greek name for Saturn, Kronos, admits of 
similar composition, whether Kp6v0s is not really acompound of prefix 
k and *vronos or *hronos. Such composition would solve the phonetic 
difficulty presented by the apparently collateral form xpévos (Macrobi- 
us, Sat. I, 8, 6; v. Jan, ad /oc.). A shortened form of *fopavos, *Fpovos 
or *hpovos would with prefix & yield either xpévos or xpévos according 
as the digamma was dropped or its equivalent the aspirate retained. 
Perhaps the prefix & is a reduced variant of Latin *sae-, Greek *oav-. 
The reason for believing this is that Kronos thus becomes a mad 
Ouranos just as his Roman counterpart Saturn was. Kronos muti- 
lated Ouranos. 

A question may arise here as to the Sanskrit Kubera or Kuvera 
and his later “kinsman” Siva whose paradise or residence was Kailasa, 
one of the loftiest peaks of the Himalaya.! Siva an adjective applied 
in the Veda to Rudra means ‘happy,’ ‘prosperous,’ yet the function 
of the later god Siva was that of universal destroyer. He was called 
Kala, “‘a fixed or right point of time” (*katla <*kaira, cf. Gr. katpés?). 
One is reminded of the Greek Kpévos who ruled in the golden age and 
was yet allied with the destructive forces of the Titans. The attribute 
of Siva was the lingam which is not found in the Rigveda. Kronos 
who was emasculated was associated with Prometheus, a name very 
close to Pramatha the attendants of Siva. Siva’s residence was also 
the paradise of Kubera or Kuvera. This means a kinship of the twoas 
is shown by the epithet of Siva Kuberabandhava ‘kinsman of Kubera.’ 
Now Kuberawas chief of the evil spirits (the evil-doing soul of the heav- 
_ ens?) and yet god of riches and treasure. As an adjective the name 
1Professor H. H. Bender has kindly criticized these paragraphs without of course 


assuming any responsibility for my etymological vagaries. His criticism has been 


most helpful. 


176 | | 
means ‘deformed.’ He too suggests Kronos and his lamed congeners. 
This name Kivera witha prefix ku (?) implying ‘reproach, contempt,’ 
probably gives one the primary form *kuv(e)ronos which yielded 
either Kpévos or Xpévos according as the digamma was dropped or its 
equivalent aspirate fused with & as above stated. 

The root of Kpévos would then be *fpo, *Fpa or *Fpe, a shortened 
form of *fopo, *fopa, *fepa. The name of the consort of Kpévos would 
then become the feminine of this root, i. e. *Fpe-a, ‘Péa. There is rea- 
son to believe that these roots are of the earth earthy. Variants of the 
root *fopa, *Fapa seem to lie in such words as *f aporpov ‘earth-stick 
or implement, plough;’ *Fapo-vpa ‘field’ with its Latin congener ras 
from *oris, *vruris, *vararis, although Indo-European congeners of 
this word donot show a trace of an initial v; *ofopa (Vedic Varu?) was 
perhaps the consort of an earth-goddess, *fopa. *ofopavos probably 
bore the same relation to *ofopa as Ahurani, ‘daughter of Ahura’ to 
Ahura. Thus Ouranos, Kronos and Rhea would all be of the same 
earthly character in origin. Ouranos had celestial function but his son 
Saturn-Kronos carried a harvesting sickle. Ouranos was apparently 
projected from earth to heaven ina primitive Indo-European period. 

The translation of Ouranos to the sky due to the fact that a suc- 
cessful fertility-god must have solar functions was repeated when 
Aphrodite mounted to the sky with the title of Ourania. The Latin 
name of Aphrodite, Venus, Venos, is possibly akin to this appellative. 
For the form Veneri, *Venri, if by metathesis of r (cf. ra¢pos and 
tpapos) it may have come from *Verni, would at once appear as a 
variant of *ofepvc and the fuller form *ofopavt, otpdvt-a. Semele like 
Aphrodite went up to heaven so that these two corresponding god- 
desses were entitled to the appellative Urania. Their ascension was 
the logical counterpart of the ascension of the male fertility-deity, 
who went up to the heavens to be identified with the sun in order to 
control all the forces necessary to fertility. Herein perhaps lies the 
origin of the idea of ascension. The ascension of the earth-goddess 
Semele (Aphrodite), the mother of the god of immortality Dionysos, 
seems like the prototype of the ascension of the Cypriote Panagia 
Aphroditissa (cf. Perrot et Chipiez, Phénicie, p. 628). The ascension 
of the mortal would then be patterned after that of his god. 


177 k 

Mars is also an earth-born god. The older form of his name was 
Mavors, the stem of which is *Mavort. This is perhaps a reduction from 
*semadvort, ‘earth-sprung.’ The verbal element of the compound, 
vort, is probably the same as vert in vertere and German werden. The 
preservation and loss of the first syllable sé is illustrated by the two 
Latin words simila ‘wheat flour’ and milium ‘millet.’ The first of 
these, s#mila is very close to Zeuédn. The ablatival d has disappeared 
from Mavors but is preserved in Mésovea (Vv. supra p.1§2) where how- 
ever the expected long vowel does not appear. 

The discussion of *Mavort suggests an etymology for the Sanskrit 
maruts, the warlike companions of Indra (Uhlenbeck, Etym. Wrterb. 
der Altind. Sprache, p. 217, s. v. marut). A marut 1s a ma(v)rut or 
*mavort, a *semadvurt or earth-sprung hero, a fertility-god (?) who was 
associated with wind and storm. His Roman congener is Mars. 

Strange as it may seem at first sight, the name Mars is the same 
word as the Greek Bporés. The latter is for an earlier form *pporos 
(cf. Boisacq, Dict. Etym. s. v. Bporés) as is seen from the negative 

-d-uBporos. “pBporos is a reduction from *ceuBpores as is shown by old 

Bulgarian sdmriti. *ceuBporos ‘earth-sprung’ is formed like ynvev7s. 
The verbal root of Latin Mavortis here appears as *8por- but as *fopr 
in éoprh <*éfoprn ‘spring-festival,’ or ‘festival.’ The éopr) Ajunrpos 
was probably at first applied to a festival of the earth-goddess held 
in the spring. The fuller form of the word may be assumed to have 
been *oe(u)Foprn. 

The initial syllable sé of I. E. *semovrotos appears to have survived 
only in old Bulgarian sumrita. For the other languages the base was 
*mortos which yielded a Greek form *uFpros from which by the dis- 
appearance of u came Bporés and by the dropping of F the form poprés. 
It thus appears that these words and their kindred form Sk. mrtds 
are compounds. This analysis incidentally yields the meaning of Latin 
morior, said of that which “springs up from the earth (and fades 
away), i.e. ‘dies.’ An interesting pair of words to be noticed in this 
connection is BapvacOat and pdpvacbar. These two like Bporés and 
woptos presuppose a form beginning with yf, 1. e. *uBapyacdar< 
*ceuBapvacbar ‘to defend the land by fighting, to fight.’ 


178 Ki 
ZEUS 


A curious phase of the cult of Zeus was the worship of him under 
the appellative Ao\cx aios, a name which appears to be built upon the 
adjective doAuxés ‘long.’ Now this word 6oArx6s looks suspiciously like 
the Bohemian tulich and German dolch. Hence dodrxés may have been 
used in the sense of ‘long blade, dagger.’ Zeus Dolichaios may then 
have meant originally “Dagger-Zeus.’ He was a Hittite god (Cook, 
Zeus, I, p. 604) and it is among the Hittite reliefs at Iasili Kaya that 
a dagger or dirk-deity appears. The lower part of his body takes the 
form of a dagger-blade (Garstang, Land of the Hittites, p. 228, pl. 70). 
It is an interesting case of arrested anthropomorphism in which the 
essential part of the primitive dirk-fetish is retained just as in the 
Egyptian hybrid gods the earlier animal form survives in the head. 
That Zeus Dolichaios appears in art with a double-axe rather than 
with a dirk as attribute may be explained as a result of fusion with 
the cult of an Axe-Zeus. He lost his attribute but kept his name. It | 
should be noted that in Eleusis at the time of Demeter’s arrival, there 
was a prince called Addrxos (Hom. hym. in Cer. 155). A dirk-god may 
have played a part in the primitive Eleusinian cult and have been 
reduced to princely rank upon the coming of Demeter. 

The Etruscan names for Zeus were Tins, Tina, Tinia (Deecke, 
Etrusk. Forsch. 1, 4, pp. 28-29) which are closely akin to the Cretan 
name Tay and probably to the Lydian Tavsas (*Tansas?) which has 
been identified as a name of Zeus (Buckler in Littmann, Sardis, Vol. 
VI, p. 13). The root of this name seems to survive in two forms, a 
monosyllabic form in T#vos, and a dissyllabic form in Téve-dos, the 
island where Dionysos was worshipped in the form of a double-axe 
(cf. Cook, Zeus, I, p. 660). The hero Tévyns may be an hypostasis of 
Zeus. The dissyllabic root again appears in Lt. /én-trus, the second 
component of which seems to be the Greek dpu(és) used as a suffix 
denoting implement. Thus /onitrus meant ‘Zeus-stick, Zeus-shaft,’ 
i. e. thunderbolt. 

The root seems also to survive in the word r6rvva which occurs in 
such phrases as ® rérvca “Hpa. rérvia is perhaps a reduced form of 
*(v)ror(1)vca, i. e. ‘she that is beneath Zeus.’ Thus zérv.a"Hpa meant 


I 179 k 
simply “Hera, the consort of Tinia or Zeus.” Since rérvva is Sanskrit 
patni, this reduction if sound must have taken place before the separ- 
ation of the languages and implies that Greek éo1s and Sanskrit 
patis are secondary. The idea expressed by the word, like that of 
bar avédpos, married’ is sufficiently picturesque to meet the requirements 
of primitiveness. A confirmation of the conjecture lies perhaps in the 
name of the Boeotian town Io7viai which according to some (Strabo, 
412) was the Homeric ‘Y706#8at. Possibly the later of these names is 
but the translation of the earlier. If the name Tinz antedates the 
separation of Sanskrit and Greek the origin of the name Indra may 
be (T)indra for *Tinidra. The name would be then practically Lt. 
tonitrus, a very appropriate name for the Vedic thunder-god whose 
weapon was the thunderbolt and with whom as with Zeus the eagle 
was closely associated. Indra’s messenger was Sarama, a name very 
close to ‘Epyfs, the messenger of Zeus. Both Sarama and Hermes were 
probably primitive fertility-gods superseded and reduced to a servile 
rank by the new gods. But if tonitrus meant ‘Zeus-stick’ just what 
form did the stick take? The thunderbolt of Zeus seems to have 
been called a lightning-axe in Greek tradition because modern folk- 
lore knows the name éarporedéxt (Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore and 
Ancient Greek Religion, p. 72). Apparently the primitive Zeus before 
hewas translated to the sky to become the sky-father and “the Bright 
One’ was an implement-fetish such as a double-axe, a dirk (d0Acx aios) 
and would thus resemble the sickle-fetish Mithras (*Semitra) who also 
in the course of time ascended to celestial honors (v. supra, p. 150). 
The sickle and the double-axe were not only implements of peace 
but weapons in war. So also was the plough. Pausanias (I, 32, 5) re- 
cords the curious tradition that a man of rustic appearance slew 
many Persians at Marathon with a plough (dpézpw) and then dis- 
appeared. The oracle told the Athenians, when they inquired who he 
was, to honor ’Eyerdatos. He was also called “Exerdos. This hero 
‘Plough-handle,’1.e. ‘Plough,’ is transparent enough. He is an anthro- 
pomorphized plough-fetish. The primitive form of this hero, the 
plough, continued as his implement of peace and his weapon in war. 
Similarly Zeus of the double-axe and Zeus of the dirk may be as- 
sumed to have been originally double-axe and dirk, just as Zeus Ker- 


|} 180 Kf 


aunos may be assumed to have been originally Kepavyés in which the 
divine might was incorporated (cf. Usener, Gotternamen, p. 286). The . 
arrested anthropomorphism of the dirk-deity is attested by the 
Hittite relief already cited. The plough was an implement of the Indo- 
European peoples. The earliest form was a wooden hook used as a 
hoe and consisted of a single limb or root of a tree with a sharpened 
projection (Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. aratrum; H. H. 
Bender, The Home of the Indo-Europeans (1922), p.35). Hesiod (Opera 
et Dies, 436) speaks of a plough of oak. It is obvious that the primi- 
tive plough was light enough to be wielded by one man as in a scene 
on a situla (Gow, 7. H. S. 1914, p. 255). The tradition (Etym. Mag. 
s. v. fed£ar) that Zeus was said to have been the first to yoke mules 
to a plough would indicate his interest in the implement and its 
original use as a sort of hoe. The oak of which the early plough was 
made was sacred to Zeus. Frazer went so far as to regard Zeus an 
oak-god, and with good reason, since the most ancient oracle of 
Zeus at Dodona spoke from an oak (Od. XIV, 328). The Arcadians 
claimed a certain kinship with the oak, which they believed was the 
first tree to spring from the earth. They too were the first of men to 
be born according to a tradition preserved by Plutarch (Quaes. Rom. 
92; cf. Cook, Zeus, p. 77). In claiming kinship with the oak, the 
Arcadians were but claiming kinship with an oak-god. Perhaps 6€vépor 
is a compound of *éev (Tay) and *dpo (*dpu, pds) meaning originally 
“Zeus-oak,” 1. e. tree. It is perhaps a conjecture worth making that 
the primitive oaken plough was a potential Zeus, that it became his 
implement and weapon as a rude fertility-hero and like the axe (cf. 
aorpomehéxt) Continued to be his attribute and weapon when he rose 
from earth to his new duties in the sky, where the old name for his 
weapon fonitrus was given to his new celestial thunderbolt. 

The Greek Zets and Vedic dydus are given as forms derived from 
an I. E. *di@us. Perhaps a more satisfactory I. E. form would be 
*diavens in which the long vowel is resolved into two short vowels 
with an interposed v (=F). The following would be a cluster of deriva- 
tive forms in which stems ending in 7 readily find their place: 


181 jf 


{ *divens 


I. E. 


*diavens 


*diveus 


*diaveus 


*duens 
*dsens 


*dveus 
*dseus 


*dheos 


*Tafov, "Iwy 

(Eponymous an- 
cestor of Ionian 
race; cf. *jawan). 


T dv(s) 
Tins 


Ju-piter 
Zebs 


‘ 
: 


Jahweh 
(cf. Jovis) 


The reduction of 7a to 7 is paralleled in the pair Etruscan Ainthial 
‘soul’ and Lt. scintil-la ‘spark’ and again in the Etruscan mzaviles and 
Latin miles (miaviles, miviles (cf. mivels tites, Deecke, Etrusk. Forsch. 
I, 3, p- 342), *miiles, meiles, miles). The form miaviles occurs on the 
tombstone of a soldier named Tites, together with the name of his 
wife (uchsiem) Ulenike (cf. ‘EX avexos) (Deecke, ibid. I, 3, p. §8; Poul- 
sen, Der Orient und die Friihgriechische Kunst, p. 154, fig. 184), and 
hence there can be little hesitation in identifying miaviles with miles. 
The form *jawan was the base for the general designation of the Greeks 


182 
in the east e. g. jawnai in the texts of Sargon (v. Pauly-Wissowa, Real- 
Encyc. s. v. ones, p. 1870). 

What is the meaning of the primitive I. E. form *dzavens ? The word 
is probably a possessive adjective raised to the dignity of a noun. 
The suffix ven(s) is Sk. *van(t) and Greek *fev(r)s reduced to *Fevs 
instead of *feus as in devdphers. “dia is perhaps the same as *fa and 
* Se (cf. Zevs and Aets) meaning ‘earth’ as in *fa-ayxdov ‘earth-hook,’ 
where it would be incorrect to construe the prefix as intensive, and 
as in dpéravov (*de-Fperavov < *be-Fepravov) ‘earth-hook,’ i. e. ‘sickle.’ 
*diavens would then be in origin simply yavjoxos or ‘he who has the 
earth’ (Ad-oyos; *Ahura-mant=Ahriman?). On his ascension to 
heaven he became the sky-father, “the Bright One,’ just as the earth- 
gods Dionysos and Osiris ascended to heaven to be identified with the 
sun. 


183 i 
CERES AND POSEIDON 


‘Tue word xédns ‘horse’ becomes with change of \ to p *xepns, Latin 
Cérés (cf. xédwp and *xepwp, v. Boisacq, Dict. Etym. de la Langue 
Grecque,s.v. xédwp).*Kepns and xédns would thus becomea pair of equine 
divinities. That Demeter wassuchoriginallyisclear from the traditions 
with regard to her. Pausanias has madeus familiar with the horse-De- 
meter of Arkadia who had the hair ofahorseand snakes about her head. 
Onatas madeastatueof the goddess representing her with horse’s head. 
Further the title of r&\o: was given to the priests of Demeter (Wide, 
Lakonische Kulte, pp. 179, 331). [tis thus absolutely certain that the 
theriomorphic Demeter wasa horse. The consort of this Arcadian De- 
meter was Poseidon. He too shared her character. The Demeter Erinys 
at Thelpousa bore a horse-Poseidon. The adjective immuos was applied 
to him (Aristoph. Nud. 83) as was the epithet pedayxairns. The oracle 
quoted by Pausanias (VIII, 42,6) calls Demeter immodexns. Her snaky 
locks and the tradition that she gave birth to a horse link her with 
another earth-goddess, Medusa, from whose severed neck emerged a 
horse and a youth, a remarkable case of syncretism for the horse 
clearly sprang from Medusa in her character as a horse-deity, while 
the youth rose from her in her character asa fully anthropomorphized 
goddess. Perseus slew Medusa with a sickle. She might have been 
named Ilepce-dév7, 1. e. ‘she that had Perseus (the Persian) as her 
slayer’ (dovets). 

Although the cult of Ceres is not attested for early Latium (Roscher, 
Lexikon, s. v. p. 862), tradition makes it one of the earliest Greek 
cults at Rome. It may be that Pelasgian immigrants from Arkadia 
carried the cult to Rome. At the beginning of the second century, the 
cults of the Kybele and Ceres represented two classes of the Roman 
populace. The cult of Kybele was the cult of the nobles while that of 
Ceres was plebeian (Graillot, Le Culte de Cybéle, p. 57). Possibly this 
Ceres was the ancestral goddess of the Arcadian settlers, and Kybele 
that of the Trojan settlers. 

From the name of Ceres one may pass to the name of Poseidon 


which Assman (Philologus, LXVII, p. 185; cf. Eisler, Orpheus the 


H 184 K 

Fisher (1921), p. 23) believes is nothing but the vulgar form Bo-Sidon 
for Ba‘al-Sidon from ‘Sid’ the ‘fisherman.’ Other etymologies are . 
given in Roscher (Lexikon, s. v. Poseidon, p. 2789). But yet another 
conjecture may be offered which makes due allowance for the pro- 
nounced equine character of Poseidon. The form of the name given 
by the tablets of Pente Skouphia is Io7ev5 av, which is here conjectured 
to have come from a form “Ilorefidav and this from a longer form 
*irmorefidav. With the Homeric form Ilocerddwy in mind the con- 
jectured name may be given as *immorefida-wy the first part of which 
is the Sanskrit a¢vakovidah ‘skilled in knowledge of the horse,’ while 
the second part may be the participle ay. Thus the name Poseidon. 
shares the equine character of the god himself. The adjective agua- 
kovidah is given to Nala in the great Sanskrit epic. Now Nala is very 
close to Nydebs who according to Homer (Od. XI, 254) was the son 
of Poseidon. Nala, though occurring first in the MBA, and Neleus are 
probably one and the same in origin. Nala, who 1s agvakovidah, is also 
a rajah. Likewise Poseidon is called avaé. This etymology agrees 
very well with the equine epithets of Poseidon, immtos, immtos rovropedwr, 
iTTAPXOS, TPUTAVLS KOLAWVUXWY ITTwWY, MEAAYXaLTHS. The close associa- 
tion of Poseidon with Demeter the earth-goddess forces the conclusion 
that Poseidon too was originally a fertility-god and that his trident 
is an agricultural fork. Poseidon was Kpovidys. The fork of Neptune 
would then match the sickle of Saturn. 


185 Kt 
THE KERKOPES AND ERECHTHEUS 


An archaic metope from a temple at Selinunte represents Herakles 
carrying the Kerkopes. They hang head down from a stick which rests 
on his shoulder. They are said to have annoyed Herakles and con- 
sequently to have been punished. This tradition suggests the possi- 
bility that the Kerkopes may have been rivals of Herakles. Their 
names seem to be derived from the collateral roots *kerk, *kerak, 
*herk, “herak. The word xépxwy is apparently a compound of *xepxa 
‘curved object, sickle’ (?) and *oy, ‘cutter.’ The second element *oy ap- 
pears in the verb 6pem7w which Hesychios defines as dtaxdrTw. Aparrw 
is perhaps to be resolved into *épv-forrw which would yield *forrw 
as a collateral form of xérrw but I have no other examples of such 
resolution to offer. The verbal *opy appears also in dpboy, “wood- 
cutter,’ 1. e. ‘woodpecker.’ Hence *xepxa-oy might mean “one that cuts 
with the sickle.’ If Herakles (Hercules) and the Kerkopes were sickle- 
heroes as is here maintained, the punishment of the Kerkopes may 
be explained as the suppression of their sickle-cult by a rival sickle- 
hero, Herakles. 

The mythical king of Athens, Kekrops, was also apparently a 
primitive sickle-hero if his name suffered a metathesis of 7 like the pair 
tapos and rpddos ‘ditch; &kpos and *apx(o)s (Lt. arx) ; cbxdos (*kuxpos) 
and *xupxos (Lt. circus) such metathesis being for the most part re- 
gressive (Kretschmer, Glotta, IV, p. 309). His serpentine tail would 
confirm the conjecture that he is a fertility-hero. If Kekrops was a 
sickle-hero as the root of his name *xepx seems to show, he becomes 
one of the Kerkopes. 

ThenameofanotherAthenian king’ Epex6ebs perhaps contains *Fepex 
or *hepex a dissyllabic form of the root *Aerk which appears in the 
name Hercules. ’Epex6ebs was then a sickle-hero and his name is to be 
compared with that of the Marathonian ’Exerdatos ijpws. The char- 
acter of Erechtheus as a fertility-hero 1s clear from a passage in D1- 
odoros (I,29,1) who says that he brought corn toAthens during famine 
and instituted the worship of Demeter. Erechtheus suffered the fate of 
the ‘sickle’ Anchises in that Zeus hit him with a thunderbolt (Hyg. 


| 186 k 

Fab. 46). It was a method Zeus had of getting rid of older rivals and in- 
creasing the number of superannuated deities. Curiously enough the . 
hero Eryx, who gave his name to the Sicilian mountain where Anchises 
was buried, was a son of a king Butes (or Poseidon), the name also of a 
hero whose altar stood beside that of Erechtheus in the Erechtheion. 
Eryx was slain by Herakles and buried on the mountain. Thus the son 
of Aphrodite, Eryx was buried in the same place with Anchises the 
consort of Aphrodite. Eryx and Anchises were anthropomorphized 
sickle-fetishes, logically related to a goddess of fertility. 

Zeus hit Erechtheus at the request of Poseidon according to Hy- 
ginus, and yet Poseidon received sacrifice on the same altar in the. 
Erechtheion as Erechtheus. They were rivals who became reconciled. 
Their rivalry is shown by the tradition that Eumolpos the son of 
Poseidon came from Thrace to dispute with Erechtheus the possession 
of Athens, claiming it on the ground that his father possessed the city 
before Athena (Isoc. Panath. 193). These rivals were certainly primi- 
tive agrarian heroes. Poseidon long before he went to sea was a fork- 
hero, and Erechtheus, a sickle-hero. Erechtheus or Erichthonius was 
the father of Pandion, who had a son Lykos, ‘Sickle’ or ‘Hook’ (v. 
supra, p. 167) the name skipping from grandfather to grandson as in 
the historical period names were wont to do. This Lykos fled to 
Sarpedon ‘Sickle-tooth’ (v. supra, p. 168). Erechtheus was the son 
of Hephaistos, who was probably another hook or sickle-hero. In pre- 
historic Greece there was a veritable crop of sickle-heroes who like the 
sickle-Saturn were all destined to be superseded, reduced in rank or 
consigned to Hades. 


| 187 kt 
PELOPS 


Ir is a reasonable inference from the traditions about Pelops that 
he was a rival of Zeus. Pausanias (V. 13, 1) in describing the Pelo- 
pion at Olympia says that the Eleans preferred Pelops among 
heroes as they preferred Zeus among gods. The Pelopion which 
stood very close to the temple of Zeus was founded by Herakles 
who also erected the adjacent altar of Zeus. A scholiast on Pindar 
(Olym. I, 149) notes that competitors in the games sacrificed to 
Pelops before they sacrificed to Zeus. Pausanias adds the signifi- 
cant information that whoever ate of the victim sacrificed to Pe- 
lops was not permitted to enter the temple of Zeus. This prohibi- 
tion marks the cults of the two gods as mutually exclusive and 
suggests that the earlier cult of Pelops had been superseded but 
not completely eclipsed by the cult of Zeus. Athletic competitors 
continued to sacrifice to both just as Roman suppliants prayed to 
Diovis and Vediovis. 

The name of Pelops throws light upon his opposition to Zeus. 
Tlékoy is a compound like éptoy ‘woodpecker.’ Both names had 
the original meaning “tree-cutter, wood-cutter.’ The first element 
of Ilé\oy means ‘tree’ or ‘wood,’ occurring also in the word ré\Xa 
‘wooden bowl’ and in zé\exvus (gen. ar edeKegos <*mede-Kepos) Where 
the verbal element seems to be the root *xep of kelpery ‘to cut.’ 
Tléhoy like wédexvs meant originally “‘wood-cutter,’ 1. e. a double-axe, 
but later was applied also to the wielder of the double-axe, the hero 
Pelops. The word wedexa@s ‘wood-pecker’ has a close congener in 
Latin picus of the same meaning, for picus is to be traced back 
through *pircus (cf. Sk. paragus) to *pelekus (aédexvs). Picus “wood- 
cutter’ was an appropriate name for a son of Saturn just as Pelops 
‘wood-cutter, double-axe’ was for a rival of Zeus. Slight wonder 
that picus was called Martius and had to do with lightning and the 
thunderbolt of which a remote echo is heard in the modern Greek 
aotpomeéxt. Lhe Eleusinian Keleos ‘woodpecker’ may also be a 
theriomorphic Zeus (cf. J. R. Harris, Picus who ts also Zeus (1916), p.6). 

The double-axe *redoy, a fetish, became in the theriomorphic 


188 ff 


period the ‘wood-cutting’ bird redexas and then was anthropomor- 
phized into the hero Ilé\oy whose home was Lydia where Om- 
phale received the double axe from Herakles. This interpretation 
which finds a pretty parallel in the history of \vxos (v. p. 167) at 
once explains a curious feature in the rites of Pelops at Olympia. 
Pausanias says that the seer received no portion of the ram sacri- 
ficed to Pelops (as it was to Zeus by Oinomaos) but that the neck 
was given to the wood-cutter (évAets) who was one of the servants 
of Zeus. What more appropriate than that a portion of the sacri- 
fice to the hero ‘wood-cutter’ should be given to his priest (?) 
‘wood-cutter’ who impersonated him—a priest, who when the cult 
of Pelops the old god of the double-axe was superseded by the cult 
of Zeus the new god of the double-axe, was transferred naturally 
enough to the service of Zeus but still retained his right to a por- 
tion of the sacrifice offered to his old god? This évXebs was the 
counterpart of ‘EAdés the dpuréuos whose descendants the ‘EAnoi 
were priests of Zeus at Dodona. These ‘EAdoi were also called | 
touovpot Which Cook (Class. Rev. XVII (1903), p. 180) translates 

“cutters.”’ The double axe of Zeus was really the remote predeces- 
sor of Zeus retained as his attribute in the age of anthropomorphic 


deity. 


il 189 kt 
AHURA MAZDAH 


Hesycuios tells us that Zeus among the Phrygians wascalled Mafets. 
Cook (Zeus, I, p. 741, n. 4) reasonably supposes that Mafets is a 
Grecised form of the Persian title Mazdah which appears in the name 
of the highest god Ahura Mazdah. Mazdah occurs without Ahura 
(Bartholomae, A/tiran. Worterb., p. 1162) suggesting that the name 
may have resulted from fusion. The earliest known occurrence of 
this name is dated to the middle of the second milennium B.c., when 
the form Assara Mazas was used in an Assyrian record (Cook, ibid.). 
Smith (Four. Egypt. Arch. 1922 (April), pp. 43-44) who believes that 
Syria was the home of Ashur, Marduk and Osiris, notes that asari 
was always used of Marduk as an epithet only. He would connect 
etymologically Ashur and asari with Osiris. That Ahura and asari 
are akin seems very probable, and one is tempted to identify them 
with *ofopa-(*ofopa-vos). Theword ‘earth’ (v.supra,p.177) wouldenter 
appropriately into the name of a god as in An-warnp ‘earth-mother.’ 
- The next question is What is Mazdah? The Phrygians apparently 
took over the name as Mafets. M@fain Greek meant ‘cake,’ certainly 
the same word as Persian myazda, ‘sacrificial food.’ The conclusion 
seems to be that Ahura Mazdah (Mazas, Mafets) is a syncretistic 
name combining the ideas of “earth” and “cake,” the second element 
of which suggests the Boeotian Meyadéduafos, another name for 
Demeter (Athen. ITI, 109 B). This myazda which has survived accord- 
ing to one etymology in the western word missa (v. supra, p. 155) 
would give a rational explanation of the origin of theophagy, for to 
consume a fertility-spirit in a holy cake would be an altogether Jog- 
ical and easily intelligible act. To eat it was to incorporate within 
one the essence of the god. With the evolution of religion, the prim- 
itive myazda-god would assume other forms rising possibly through 
the theriomorphic to the anthropomorphic god but keeping the orig- 
inal fetish-name. This may throw some light upon the Dionysiac 
cereal aidota of the Haloa (v. supra, p. 171). 


| 190 }{ 
RHADAMANTHYS 


RuADAMANTHYS, the mighty king of Crete, was also a judge in the 
lower world. It is his function as judge that probably explains his 
name. The Aeolic form was Bpaéduav6us besides which there appears 
the shorter variant ‘Padduas (?, cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyc. 
zweite reihe, s. v. Paddpuavbus, p. 34). This name is here conjectured 
to be a possessive adjective composed of *8paéa and the full posses- 
sive suffix -yavOvs in the one case and its shorter form pas for “warts 
in the other. In these suffixes 6 sometimes shared the fate of 7 as is 
shown by acomparison of Tipurs with its genitive Tipuvdos (*Tipfurdos), 
1. e.‘that which has a tower,’ rip-cts(?) and of €\uevs with €\uevOos (1. e. 
‘that whichhasacoil,’ a‘worm, cf. é\-vé). These forms seem to offer fair 
evidence that the possessive suffix mant, mint, like vant is Indo-Europe- 
an (cf. Bender, The Suffixes mant and vant in Sanskrit and Avestan,p.7). 
*Bpadais paBdos, rod, staff of office.’ A form *BpaBéos may safely be as- 
sumed for $48 50s. Since Bin Crete was sometimes treated as F (48édt0s = 
*afedtos) thesecond 6 of *Bp ado could easily have dropped out, leaving 
the form *8paéo, *Bpaéa, whichis the first element of the nameof Bpadé- 
pavévs. [he name then means ‘he who holds the rod or staff.’ In other 
words ‘PadduavOus was simply paBdodxos ‘one whohas therod (of office),’ 

Tene judge, an umpire in a contest.’ The proper name has the suffix 
of possession which appears in Sanskrit as mant, while the second 
component of ja8dobxos expresses the idea of possession with a verbal 
form (éxerv). With ‘Padduaréus ‘he that holds a rod’ should be com- 
pared the Homeric word é¢4-y1v60s ‘bath-tub,’ 1. e. ‘that which holds 
water,’ from *aca (for *acfa; Goth. ahva, Lt. agua) and the posses- 
sive suffix purfos, the word being similar in construction to vépders. 
The adjectival use of the word may survive ina fragment of Kratinos 
é& dcapuivOov xibdxos (Kock, Com. Ait. Frag. I, p. 84). The word aqua is 
perhaps an Arcadian contribution to Latin vocabulary. The word 
paBdobxos is again the same in idea and partly the same in form as 
Bpafebs ‘umpire’ from *BpaBdeus ‘he who has the 4850s.’ The counter- 
part of -ovxos in paBdodx0s must be sought in the ending -evs Of BpaBets. 
*BoaBdevs came from an earlier form *8pa85fevs the suffix of which is 


tor | 


the same as the possessive vant in Sanskrit. As *ovaa was reduced to 
ota SO *-evs was reduced to -eus as well as to -evs. This would explain 
Greek nouns in evs as originally possessive adjectives. In the form 
BpaB6dFevs, the sequence of consonants forced the 6 out and *BpaBédFevs 
became *8pa6(F)evs, and finally lost its r. The genitive BpaBéws is 
possibly from “BpaBev-os, “8p afer-os which in dropping F lengthened 
the following o(?). TheHomeric dialect preferred toseek compensation 
by lengthening the preceding vowel to 7 and such optional compensa- 
tion may explain quantitative metathesis in nouns of this declension. 

Since *8pada, *Bpado, means ‘staff,’ the Etruscan word for ‘umpire’ 
te-verath may be of thesame root, for *#e-vrath is very close to *Bpaé. 
Isit possible that behind both these forms there wasan earlier *se-mrad 
(sem-rad) which in Greek was reduced to *“upad, *Bpaé while in 
Etruscan se became te ? Ifso*Bpada (*sem-rad) meant originally ‘earth- 
stake’ or ‘branch’ whichsetin the ground served to settle disputes as to 
land, and which became the attribute of the person who presided over 
such settlement and then of the umpire of gymnastic contests who ap- 
" pears in ancient painting holdinga branch. If thisanalysisiscorrect the 
word fev(e)rath stands for an earlier Etruscan form *tem-rath (*rath = 
German rat? cf. Grimm, Worterbuch, s. v., who regards ratas of purely 
Germanic origin). The semantics of this etymology may explain the 
resemblance of the Latin words arbiter and arbor, arbos (*rb(d)iter and 
*rbh(d)os; cf. p4Bédos). It is curious that the Hebrew raé ‘master’ 
should be a term strictly applied only to one authorized to decide 
legal and ritualistic questions. 

With the form *se-mrad, denoting a stake which was set in the 
ground should be noted the Lydian mrud which Littmann (Sardis 
VI, p. 31) has shown must mean stele. The poetic and archaic form 
of the word was mruvaad (ibid. p.62). The original mrud was then 
of wood and passed its name to a successor in stone. 


H 192 
PALLAS AND POLIAS 


THE word 74)Xas-avros ‘youth’ is perhaps another example of an ad- 
jective which has been made to serve as a noun. The fuller form which 
appears in the genitive presupposes *rah-fav7-os and a nominative 
*7 adFavs passing into 74\as. The noun to which the possessive suf- 
fix vant is attached may be the same word as Sanskrit da/a ‘strength, 
might.’ Ilé\\as would then mean ‘he that has strength,’ i. e. youth, 
and would be phonetically close to Sk. dé/d-van “possessing power.’ 
The objection to this etymology might be that a 6, and not a z, regu- 
larly corresponds to a 4 in Sanskrit but Greek 74\\as may represent 
an earlier *@addas with an interchange of labials corresponding to 
that of rivw and Latin dzd0. 

The appellative of Athena Ila\) ds-ddos is generally connected with 
the Greek ré\Xevv “brandish, shake’ (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Pallas), 
but it is rather a variant of r4\Xas ‘youth,’ ‘possessor of strength.’ 
The genitive Ia\\ 460s would indicate as an earlier form of the nomi- 
native *ma\)ads from which the 6 was dropped without compensatory 
lengthening as also in ToAcds. When » disappeared the vowel was 
lengthened. The appearance of 6 here instead of v7 seems to show 
that v7 at times was pronounced as 6 Just as it is in modern Greek. 
*IIad\ads would then represent a fuller form *radfavrs ‘she that has 
might,’ an appropriate adjective for the protecting goddess, the 
martial goddess of Athens. 

Another appellative given Athena is IoAvds which is obviously 
similar to Hodtodxos and Modtets, the latter a name of wide range given 
prevailingly to Zeus. Modvodxos is as clear as paBdodxos; MoArebs is as 
clear as BpaBebs. Ionteds 1s composed simply of *zodt and the posses- 
sive suffix *fevs> *Fevs. Hodtebs is the same word as Sk. pura-vati, 
‘rich in castles,’ the name of a river. IloAvodyos like paBdodx0s con- 
tains a verbal element “exo, whereas Io\vebs contains a possessive suf- 
fix. Both have the same meaning, ‘he that holds the city.’ Plato (Leg. 
IV, 717A) expresses the same idea in another way in the phrase rods 
tiv wor exovras Oeots. The Aeschylean Pees: Beol_ “qoNtrat (Sept. 
253) suggests that moNtrns is to be derived thus: *ontFe yrns > *roNlvrns 


* W193 K 


> rortrns. A roXirns or citizen was one who ‘had a city.’ The gods as 
possessors of a city, ol rhy wodLy KaTéxovTes Heot Were roAtrat. Athena 
was modtares (*rodtFavris) at Tegea (Paus. VIII, 47, 5). 





XXXII 
THE NAME OF JERUSALEM 


Piety was a condition of immortality (Graillot, Culte de Cybéle, p. 
176) and therefore naturally found expression in names. If the basic 
form of the adjective iepds was *ouepo it would give a clue to the 
origin of the name Cicero. Kixépwy may be ak variant of *oucep-wy ‘he 
that is holy.’ Kixépwy might be translated ‘Iépwv. Thus the name 
would correspond to Pius in Antoninus Pius and in pius Aeneas. 

The adjective et-c¢8ys seems traceable to the same source as iepés: 
*ceBes < *aefes < *cefep or *cecep. Lhestem *ceBes has probably entered 
into the name of the Phrygian Zeus Sabazios (*Za®ao-6d10s, “holy 
Dios’). There was a shorter form of the name, Zafés, oxytone like 
eboeSns. The worshippers of the god would naturally be called ‘Holy 
Ones’ or ZaBoi (cf. Cook, Zeus, p. 395, n. 3). Their cry was evo? caBo?, 
i.e. ‘holy, holy’ (ebot < <*eBor*oeBor). A different etymology is given 
by Langlois (cf. Miss Davis, The Asiatic Dionysos, p. 156). 

The occurrence of the word iepés as an element in the names of 
cities is of very early date. A good example is ‘Ieparodus. The under- 
standing of such a compound involves the history of the word 7é\ts 
‘city.’ At Athens and Argos the citadel was originally the wodus. Later 
on when that meaning of the word had faded out with the growth of 
the city around the foot of the hill, the citadel was called the axpéronus. 
An earlier form of the word 7é\ts was r76ds which is derived prob- 
ably from a form *(e)a(v)7oAvs meaning ‘that which is upon a *7on’ (cf. 
*red IN TeAAwW), 1. €. ‘a tell, mound or hill.’ The aphairesis of ¢ occurs also 
in (e)reéfw (Boisacq. Dict. Etym. de la Langue Grecque, p. 265, s. v. 
éxi). Names of ancient cities seem to give a less reduced form, e. g. 
Tler\va which was a very ancient city on a hill. The Homeric IIrededv 
(7. II, 697) is for *(€)(v)red-eov the suffix being perhaps participial. 
IIrépiov may be a variant of the same name. Phigalia which Pausanias 
described as situated on a lofty precipitous hill may have derived its 
name from *eri-yah-eva ‘the town on the hill, the root *yad being *col, 
in Lt. co/-lis. The earliest settlements were placed upon hills for 


I 196 

the sake of safety and what was on the hill constituted a ré\ts. The 
Sk. pura means ‘castle, fortress,’ showing that it is not a long step 
from Jerg to 6urg. This etymology would imply that Sk. pura, pur, was 
from an earlier *ptur (cf. rrép-tov). The Latin arx and urbs if from 
*yarks and *vurbs seem to be related to the roots *herkor and *harper 
‘curve,’ and to indicate the circular wall imposed by the form of the 
hill upon the defenses of a primitive settlement. 

The name Hierapolis seems to have nfeant originally ‘holy hill.’ 
This conclusion raises a question as to thename Jerusalem, the earliest 
known form of which is the Urusalim of the Amarna tablets. The 
Greek version of the name Is ‘Iepo-céAupa. Various etymologies have 
been proposed for the name (The Fewish Encyclopedia, VII, p. 119). 
Philo called the city ‘Iepaodts showing perhaps that he equated 
*codvwa and wédcs. A mountain in Lykia was called Zérvpos (Strabo, 
XIII, 630, 16) and the Zeus worshipped there was called Dodupeds. 
Strabo says that the ZéAvyor were also known as the KaBanels. Hence 
Lodupebs = KaBadebs. KaBad-ebs means ‘he who possesses the hill’ for the 
word is composed of «aBan- (gebe/) and the possessive suffix evs (*Fevs). 
Bythis analysis ZoAvyebs with the same suffix has in its first component 
*coduu the equivalent of *xaBad and signifies ‘he that has a hill.’ 
Further the Tepunoce?s were also called 2édupor and their name yields 
to the same analysis: Tepynocets < *ceppa-aco (dorv)-Fevoes (Lit) Ler 
messenses), 1. e. ‘those who have a mound or hill-city.’ These three 
names Lodvpedbs, KaBadebs and Tepunoceds are but three versions of the 
same idea. Hence Ze’s Zodvyebs may be equated with Zeds Tepurets, 
for the Zeus of the zépua (épua) ‘boundary’ was the Zeus who 
possessed the mound or cairn which marked the boundary. That 
the suffix in these nouns was felt as a possessive is no more likely 
than that -evs was so taken in devdprhets. , 

The element *codvu in these names and in ‘Iepo-cdAvua seems to 
be the same and to justify the conclusion that *codvy meant ‘hill’. 
In fact cod(v)ua is phonetically the same as *cepua (gona). Hence 
‘Tepooéduya meant “Holy hill’ and this was apparently a translation 
of the earliest name Uru-salim. *codvu seems to occur in the name 
"Odvurros (*Zodvy-ros) which was frequently given to mountains in 
Greece and Asia Minor. Two mountains in Kypros bore the name. 


197 K 
The frequent use of the name favors a theory that "Odvuros had some 
such general significance as ‘hill.’ The common word for ‘hill’ dddos 
is perhaps from *cdodos < *cododos < *codoBos <*codouros ("Odvp"TIOS). 
With *codoBos perhaps should be compared Lt. d/-ba (*Salaba). 


at 





XXXII 
THE LABYRINTH 


In the discussion of nouns ending in tv6os the word NaBbpivO0s was 
omitted. This word has been interpreted by Mayer as ‘place of the 
AaBpus’ (cf.H.R. Hall, 7 H.S. 1905, pp. 323, 325). The \aBpus was, ac- 
cording to Plutarch, a Lydian word for‘double-axe.’But thedesignation 
of the labyrinth as “the place of the double axe’ is not very satisfactory 
because the name ‘labyrinth’ could then be equally well applied to the 
scene on the Hagia Triada sarcophagus in which the double-axe ap- 
pears. The epithet of Zeus, AaBpavdebs certainly designates the Zeus 
of Labrandra who had the double-axe as his attribute. The question 
is, how did the double-axe get the name of AdBpus? N4Bpus is another 
name for 7éXexvs one form of which may be known from the slabs of 
bronze which in Minoan times were a medium of exchange. They 
‘ have been illustrated and discussed in detail by Svoronos (Ace. Ed. 
ths Nop. ’Apx. 1906, p. 161, pls. II-V). These axes have curved edges, 
which probably account for the name AdBpus. The word is akin to 
AGpos, Lt. lira, lora, ‘thong,’ 1. e. ‘that which curves or winds about,’ 
for pos (Lt. Jara) may be resolved into *afopos, *Aafvp-os. This 
word is very old because it is found in the Homeric et-Anpa ‘reins.’ 
The form *\afupos is very probably the source of Laburos a name for 
an Illyrian god which has been connected with the word labyrinth 
(F. Quilling, Minotauros der Veredarierstein im Saalburg-Museum 
(1919), p. 18, n. 2; C.J. Z. III, 3840). The name Aatproy alludes per- 
haps to winding tunnels. That the idea of ‘winding’ is present in 
AaBiprvOos is evident from the description by Apollodoros of the 
labyrinth as olknua Kaurats rodvrddxors (III, 1,4) and from Plutarch’s 
reference (Thes. 21) rv év 7G NaBuptvOw repiddwy, and further from the 
use of the word to designate any coiled body. Hesychios defines the 
labyrinth as a KoxALoEeLons TOTOS. 

Equally important are the representations of the labyrinth. Cook 
(Zeus, 1, pp. 476-477) reproduces one from a painting on an archaic 
Etruscan vase found at Tragliatella, and another from a coin of Knos- 


| 200 ff 


sos ( fig. 10) whichon further study reveal the curious fact that the laby- 
rinths correspond line for line if the design on the coin is reversed. 
The labyrinth of the die from which the coin was struck corresponded 
exactly with that of the Etruscan vase-painting. This means that the 
Etruscan painter had before him a pattern for a labyrinth which was 
of Cretan provenience. The vase-painting is older than any of the 
coins, for the proportions of the human figures with their large sharp 
noses suggest a date in the sixth century. The dance of Theseus and 
the young Athenians may well have imitated the windings of this laby- 
rinth, but could hardly have gracefully reproduced the swastika which 
is regarded by some as the earliest ascertainable form of the labyrinth 
(cf. Cook, Zeus, I, p. 478). One can follow the windings of the laby- 
rinth on the Cnossian coin to its very center, but cannot penetrate the 
swastika of the coins. The theory that the confusing winding concentric 
passages of the oneare adevelopment out of the angular conventional 
closed form of the other—that theory seems untenable. The labyrinth 
had some religious significance in early times for otherwise it would not _ 
now appear in the pavements, walls, and piers of churches. A religious 
significance would lead one to expect conservatism in the form of the 
labyrinth. When paganism bequeathed the labyrinth to the Chris- 
tian church it gave the preferred, the traditional design of the maze. 
The example in the pavement of the cathedral at Chartres with 
a long path winding to the very center of the maze resembles in 
principle the labyrinth crudely painted on the archaic Etruscan vase 
but is not at all like a swastika. That the swastika in its more com- 
plicated forms was substituted for or used to suggest the labyrinth 
is obvious from such a coin as Cook reproduces (did. p. 492) but the 
swastika could not have given birth to the labyrinth in art. 

The use of the word \aBtbp.v60s to designate any coiled body prob- 
ably gives the clue to the origin of the word. *Aafup is ‘coil’ (thong) 
‘curve’ and *-vv6os is the possessive suffix *Fiv60s, *Fivros (Sk. vin, vant, 
Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, p. 473) like mant which is found in the 
name ‘Paddpuav6us. \aBbprvOos means primarily ‘that which has a coil,’ 
or ‘that which winds round.’ Heyschios defined the word in terms of 
a spiral snail-shell. It was an adjective which became a noun. 

This interpretation of the name NaBiprvOos raises a question as to 





10. Painting on an Archaic Etruscan Oenochoe from Tragliatella: 
The Game of Troy with Circular Labyrinth 





10B. Coin of Knossos of the Second Century after Christ: 
A Tetradrachm with Circular Labyrinth 


PLATE X 








i. oa | U 
at ii 
by bi ed. 
4 

N whe e 
| 

ie : 

’ 
¥ } ; he 

‘ 
is 
‘ 

‘ 

: ; 
' 

! 

: ' 

ha 
wee is 
- ; 
- 
J 
ly. 
ar 
a 
si 
Whales 3 
? 

; ine 
7 
4 rf Vy 
) , P 

Ww pn ‘ 
, 
“ 

2 ’ 
| : 
| 
ia a | i 

a ae 
a> y lee 7 4 
Pos Wy 
Je deal 

= ie 

a 7 
ee es | 


a? 


a 


201 ff 


the so-called suffix of place -1»80s which occurs in a number of names. 
Kép-tv00s may simply mean ‘that which has a *kop,*xoN’ (col-lis, cel- 
sus), 1. e. the city which has a hill. The great akropolis at Corinth 
would justify such a name. Dbp-.v0s may have meant a city which 
had a mound (cwp-és), 1. e. was built on a mound. The word &karOa 
‘thorn’ means that which has an é«y ‘point.’ 

The significance of the labyrinth is a problem that has exercised 
the ingenuity of archaeologists. There are certain considerations 
which limit the range of conjecture. On the Etruscan oinochée from 
Tragliatella the labyrinth is given the name Truza and Vergil com- 
pares the game with the Cretan labyrinth (4en. V, 588 sqq.) saying 
that the Trojans brought the game to Latium. The conclusion that 
the concentric circles represented the walls of the city is confirmed 
by the modern term ‘walls of Troy’ which is given to labyrinthine 
figures (v. Cook, Zeus, I, 488, n. 1). 

The Etruscan representation of the game suggests that mounted 
men took part in it. A curious detail is the animal (ape?) perched on 
_ one of the horses behind the rider which reminds Harmon of a hunt- 
ing scene in an archaic Etruscan painting at Veu (4. 7. 4. XVI 
(1912), pp. 6,9;cf. Poulsen, Etruscan Tomb Paintings, p.7). Attention 
has been called to the remarkable coincidence of design between the 
labyrinth on the Etruscan oinochée and that on a later Cnossian coin. 
The die of the coin would give complete correspondence between the 
two labyrinths. This is fairly good evidence that there wasa tradition as 
to the design of the labyrinth. Now these labyrinths are constructed 
of seven concentric passages and a center (cf. figs. 332, 3425 343, 353 
in Cook, Zeus, I, pp. 476-488; Daremberg etSaglio, Dictionnaire,s. v. 
labyrinthus, fig. 4317). The last example cited from Cook isa labyrinth 
on an island in the Gulf of Finland where the name for it is generally 
‘Babylon.’ The name ‘Babylon’ is most interesting for it was at 
Babylon (Herod. I, 181) that the tower in the precinct of Zeus Belos 
had eight superimposed towers, the ascent to which wound round the 
structure. Here again are the seven concentric passages of a labyrinth 
leading to a center at the very top of the structure. Speaking of a 
Christian use of the concentric passages of the labyrinth, Cook (Zeus, 
I, p. 486) says: “Towards the close of the Crusades men who had 


202 ff 


broken vows of pilgrimage to the Holy Land did penance by treading 
these tortuous chemins de Ferusalem until they reached the central _ 
space, often termed /e cie/.” Thename ‘heaven’ might have been given 
more appropriately to the topmost stage of the Babylonian tower. It 
would seem as if the labyrinth was the Babylonian tower reduced to 
plan and somewhat modified. The close coincidence in the number of 
tortuous passages and in the name ‘Babylon’ is a matter of great 1m- 
portance. To follow the winding passage of the Christian labyrinth 
was to attain to heaven; to take the winding upward path to the 
summit of the Babylonian tower was probably to attain to Zeus, 1. e. 
heaven. ; 

There is other evidence to show the religious significance of the 
labyrinth with its seven circular passages leading to a center. Celsus 
charged Christians with the possession of a diagram showing the 
passage of the soul after death through the seven heavens. To this 
charge Origen (cont. Cels. VI, 24) replied that the Ophites (of Phry- 
gian provenience) and not the Christians had the diagram, which 
seems to have been composed chiefly of circles. Between the pairs of 
circles was a barrier drawn in the form of a double-axe (cf. Legge, 
Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, 11, pp. 66-67). Now there were 
seven degrees of initiation in the Mithraic cult which Cumont (Les 
Religions Orientales, p. 392) construes as a symbol of the seven plane- 
tary spheres across which the soul after death was to pass. It would 
seem that the seven stars on Cretan coins (Cook, ibid. p. 548, figs. 
415-418) represent these seven planetary spheres especially as the 
emperor poses as Zeus surrounded by the stars. The idea was appar- 
ently that the emperor, to use a phrase from an Orphic tablet, ‘had 
passed to the circle desired’ and had become Zeus. The Orphic tablet 
promised identification with deity: Oeds oy avi Bporoto. The Ophites 
according to Origen had prayers (translated by Legge, ibid. I, p. 
72) which were to be addressed to the seven planetary powers by the 
soul in its upward flight. The Mithraic kosmos, says Saintyves, might 
be represented by a series of concentric circles of which the eighth and 
outermost corresponded to the sky (Les Grottes, p. 129). The soul 
could mount to heaven only by passing the seven regions of the 
planets. Such concentric circles as well as those of the labyrinth 


Hl 203 K 


might be called septizonia. As the celestial heaven had seven zones 
which the soul had to pass, so the subterranean heaven also had 
seven, for Ishtar passed through seven gates in her descent to the lower 
world. The guardians of the celestial zones would naturally be re- 
duced to the grade of demons in a Christian régime and may con- 
stitute the seven-headed monster of the Apocalypse, such as it ap- 
pears in the tapestries of the cathedral of Angers. Probably the seven 
demons that possessed Mary Magdalen should be mentioned here. 
Seven Athenian boys and seven Athenian maidens were put into 
the labyrinth as prey for the Minotaur who belonged to the régime 
of the Cretan Zeus. According to Orphic legend there were seven 
Titans and seven Titanesses. The Titans were the opponents of 
Zeus. Their number corresponds exactly with that of the youths and 
maidens thrown to the Minotaur, and reminds one of the fourteen 
(Sis érra) young Lydians placed by Kyros on the pyre with Kroisos 
(Herod. I, 86). A papyrus of the fourth century after Christ (Cumont, 
Textes et Monuments, I1,p. 56) contains an incantation for opening the 
- gates of heaven. He who pronounces it will see approach seven vir- 
gins, who are the seven Tychai of the heavens and seven young men 
with bull-heads. These are certainly to be identified with the seven 
Titans and seven Titanesses. There was a Titaness called Asteria 
who scorned the advances of Zeus. The Minotaur also was called 
Asterios (Apollod. III, 1, 4). This name was not all that was shared 
with the Minotaur. The bull-heads of the seven youths show that 
they were minotaurs but these youths were minotaurs of a régime 
anterior to and hostile to the régime of Zeus. They must have reigned 
in the seven heavens before they were superseded by the new Mino- 
taur of Zeus. There is a tradition of a revolution in heaven called the 
fall of the seven kings (King, Gvostics, p. 37). The Minotaur belonged 
to the new order in Crete while the Titans and their consorts were 
gods of another or older order at Athens and other places. It is a 
reasonable conjecture that the seven Athenian maids and seven 
Athenian youths are the image of these seven Titan virgins and the 
seven Titan youths. The story of the sending of the fourteen young 
Athenians to the Minotaur in the labyrinth embodies and commemo- 
rates a religious rivalry in which the Cretan Zeus was victorious. The 


204 I 


fact of youth which is so conspicuous in these congeneric groups is 
important. The Titan Vediovis was also a young Jupiter (Ovid, . 
Fasti, III, 437). 

It was remarked above that the labyrinths with seven concentric 
passages might be called septizonia. It is very likely that they will 
explain the septizonium, a three-story fagade which was erected at 
Rome by Severus in 203, to complete his palace, and for the name of 
which no satisfactory explanation has been found (Platner, Ancient 
Rome (1911), p. 158; cf. Jordan-Huelsen, Topographie der Stadt Rom 
in Alterthum (1907), III, p. 100). One reference to the septizonium 
calls it a tomb (Spartianus, Vita Getae, 7; cf. Huelsen, Das Septizonium 
des Septimius Severus, Berliner Winckelmannsprogram, 1886, p. 32). 
As part of a palace and as a tomb it corresponds in purpose exactly 
to the edifice which Amenemhat III (c. 2200 B. c.) built to be both 
his palace and his tomb (Strabo, 811; Diodoros, I, 61) and which 
Herodotos called a labyrinth (II, 148). In recent times this edifice 
has been definitely regarded by H. R. Hall as the funerary temple of 
the pyramid of the pharaoh (F. H. S. 1905, p. 328; cf. Cook, Zeus I, 
p- 472). Attic vase-painters of the fifth century represented Theseus 
as dragging the Minotaur out of a building with a Doric fagade (e.g. 
7. H. S. 1881, pl. 10). A labyrinth of seven zones serving as a tomb 
is intelligible if the deceased was buried at the very center, tor then 
he could be regarded as having traversed the seven zones or seven 
planets (septizodia) and as having attained to heaven where he was to 
be identified with deity. The same idea was probably conveyed by 
those Cretan coins of Roman date which represent the deified emperor 
surrounded by seven stars. 

The seven celestial zones correspond to seven subterranean zones. 
The subterranean zones appear to be the earlier but their number was 
apparently changed to conform to the number of the major planets. 
In the Babylonian account of Ishtar’s descent into hell (Roscher, 
Lexikon, s.v. Nergal, p.259) the goddess passes through seven gates 
giving up either jewelry or apparel at each gate until she enters Hades 
nude. On her return she receives the objects back one by one. Celsus 
(Cumont, Textes et Monuments, II, p.31) says that the Mithraic souls 
passed through seven gates in seven orbits of seven planets to reach 


H 205 K 


the eighth which was that of the fixed stars. Each star gave a quality 
or passion to the soul in its descent to earth and took it away when 
the soul remounted to the sky (Cumont, zé7d., I, pp. 309-10). Thereisa 
striking agreement in these eschatologies. Ishtar in descending to 
Hades parted with a material possession; the Mithraic soul in ascend- 
ing to heaven parted with a spiritual possession. So soon as we realize 
that the heaven of the fertility-goddess Ishtar was in the earth and 
that of Mithras in the sky we see that in both departures for heaven 
objects were surrendered which on the return from heaven were given 
back. The seven celestial gates thus appear to be the counterpart of 
the seven subterranean gates. The original heaven of the fertility- 
goddess was subterranean naturally as vegetation (life) was resur- 
rected from within the earth. The subterranean septizonium seems to 
have been translated to the heavens along with the fertility-gods who 
were lifted up and identified with the sun. The labyrinth was therefore 
originally subterranean and surrounded the abode of the subterra- 
nean god. It was through seven zones that the soul had to pass to reach 
- his palace. As in Egypt the labyrinth was part of the palace of Amen- 
emhat III, as in Rome the septizonium was part of the palace of Sev- 
erus, so at Knossos the labyrinth was probably part of the royal pal- 
ace, thus making of the monarch a god. King Minos was the son of 
Zeus.} 


cf. Evans, The Palace of Minos I, pp. 357-9. 





XXXIV 
MARNAS AND MINOS 


Tue god Marnas worshipped at Gaza in Palestine was very defi- 
nitely associated with Crete. Gaza was called Minoa (Steph. Byz. 
s.v. Tafa) because Minos went there with his brothers and named 
the city after himself. Epiphanios says that Marnas was a servant of 
the Cretan Asterios and held in honor by the people of Gaza. It will 
be recalled that the Minotaur was also named Asterios. To become 
a servant of the Minotaur, Marnas must have been a deposed god 
but he was also identified with the Cretan Zeus. The associations of 
Marnas compel one to seek the explanation of his name in friendly 
Crete rather than in Semitic country which resented the incursion of 
his Philistine worshippers. Yet Stark (Gaza (1852) p. 577) derives 
the name from Syrian mar ‘lord.’ 

Marnas is really Minos. These two names add another example to 
the pairs of words listed above (p. 165) which show lengthening of a 
vowel to compensate a loss of r. As onxés is another form of épxos so 
Mitvws is another form of *Mipvws or Mapvas (M apvas). Thus Marnas 
who was anciently identified with Zeus becomes Minos who was the 
son of Zeus. Such confusion of father and son is not without parallel 
in Greek tradition. Minos is then a hypostasis of the Cretan Zeus as 
Svoronos maintained (v. Cook, Zeus I, p- 527, n. 1) and the Mino- 
taur becomes a Zeus-bull. No wonder ie the temple of Marnas bore 
some resemblance to the Cretan labyrinth (v. Cook, Zeus I, p. 478). 

The name Marnas signified Kpnrayevns (Steph. Byz. /.c.). Hence 
one may seek in the name elements corresponding to Kpyra- and 
-vevns. Maprvas is to be resolved into Mapvéand “as, “avs. This *avs is 
the participle *ovs, a» and therefore the verbal component corre- 
sponding to -yevns. Mapvé must then correspond to Kpyra- but papra 
was the Cretan name for ‘maid,’ rap@évos (Steph. Byz. l.c.) so that 
Mapras meant rapbevoyergs, ‘born of the maid’ (i.e. Europa). Europa 
was then called Kore like Persephone. *Kopfn will probably prove to 
be a modified form of Kpnra-, the transitional forms of the root 


HT 208 ff 
being *KopF, *Kops, *Kopr, “Kper. The long vowel of Kpjs may be due 
to the assimilation of the F. 

It is quite likely that (c)uapv4 survives in Zpytpva, the name of the 
female founder of several Ionian cities, especially since she carries 
the double axe on coins of Smyrna (Roscher, Lexikon, s.v. Smyrna, 
p- 1088; Margaret C. Waites, The Deities of the Sacred Axe, A.f.A. 
1923, p. 31). It is also likely that *Smarna should be identified with 
the mother of Adonis who was converted into a myrrh-tree and that 
she appears in her tree on coins of Gortyna where Cook recognizes 
a willow (Zeus, I, p. 528). The form *Zuapva (*Zewap-va) contains 
—*geuap which is ZeuéA-n another consort of Zeus who bore Dionysos 
a god of the form of a bull. The name is very probably composed of 
an Indo-European root *(se)mvar(=sem(v)et), *mar meaning ‘crea- 
ture’ and a feminine suffix na. This root *mvar appears with mascu- 
line ending in two Latin words for ‘male,’ mas and vir (*m(v)ars, 
*(m)virs), the initial m being dropped in the one case and the v in the 
other. Mas and vir are a pair matching the Greek poprés and Bporés 
which are built upon the participial form (*se)mvort of the same 
root. 

Another Cretan name for ‘maid’ was -wapris (*ufap-ris) which is 
the second element of the name Britomartis and which should be 
compared with that of Baltis, the Syrian goddess. It may be that the 
virgin Marna who bore the god Minos has bequeathed her name to 
posterity in that of Mary. 

The earlier form of the name Minos must be Marnas. The absorp- 
tion of an original 7 with compensation seems more likely than the 
reduction of an original long vowel to a short with a parasitic 7. 
From Mapvas came *Mipyws, these two forms resembling in their 
vocalism the pair, aguas and ios, and then from *Mipves, came the 
Greek form Mivas. 

A startling result of this interpretation 1s that if the name Marnas 
was pronounced in the palace at Knossos, the Minoans must, have 
used the Indo-European participle *as, *ans, *(s)ant which is found 
practically unchanged in Sanskrit samt and which later became 
Greek &v. Mapvé ‘maid’ would also become a Minoan word. 


XXXV 
CARCHEMISH 


THE conjecture (v. supra p. 164) that Syrian karka ‘town’ meant 
originally ‘the circular wall’ of the town leads to the further conjec- 
ture that the name of the Hittite city Carchemish (Karkamis, Gar- 
gamis; v. Hogarth, Carchemish I, p. 17) contains the same word and 
that this name is possibly a possessive adjective in mish (*mis, 
mints). The first component Carche is close to Lt. circus. Hence “Car- 
chemish’ might be translated kvxddeis, “that which has a ring.’ The 
peculiar crater-like inner town of Carchemish (v. Carchemish, vol. 
II, pl. 3; cf. p. 43) would make such a name very appropriate. With 
this name seems to hang another, that of the fort of Hammurabi 
Kar(a)shamash. A word meaning ‘that which has a ring’ of wall 
would be an appropriate name for a fort. The Hittites, as their name 
‘Kheta suggests, may have formed an earlier wave of Cretans which 
broke on the Syrian-Palestinian shore centuries before the wave of 
Philistines came from the same direction. The Kheta have been 
identified with the K#revor of Homer (Od. XI. 521). The latter name 
can easily be resolved into *Kperevor. 

Perhaps the name of the Babylonian god Shamash is another pos- 
sessive adjective composed of sham (ceu-) and the suffix as (*ans, 
vant) and meaning originally ‘he that possesses the earth.’ According 
to this interpretation Shamash began life on earth like Zeus and then 
mounted to the heavens to become the god of light just as Osiris 
very early ascended to the sky and became Ra. The name Shamash 
would then be formed in the same way and have the same original 
significance as the name of Zeus which has been resolved into 
*Diavens ‘he that possesses the earth’ (v. supra p. 180). 


‘aso ¢ ©, 


sa Phy 


3 iV ies bis et 


Avie: 
ie tT Ese 


Psa 
x i) } } : 





XXXVI 
HERCULES AND GILGAMESH 


THE points of resemblance between Hercules and Gilgamesh (v. 
Roscher, Lexikon, s.v.p.822) are so striking that one wonders 
whether there is any connection between their names. The name Gil- 
gamesh seems to contain as the first element gi/ga/, a Hebrew word 
for ‘circle.’ Gilgal was the name of several places in Palestine west 
of the Jordan and reminds one of Karka, a name of a city in Syria 
(v. supra p. 164). The second element mesh seems to be the possessive 
suffix *mes, “ment, mint. Hence the meaning would be ‘he that has a 
circle,’ i.e., a circular enclosure, a circular or enclosed sanctuary, just 
as Carchemish (Karkemes) meant originally the city which ‘has a 
ring’ of wall. In fact *gi/ga/ is the Latin carcer “enclosed space’ and 
congeneric with circus. ‘Gilgamesh’ and ‘Carchemish’ both indicated 
- possession—but the possessor in the first case was a hero and in the 
second a city. Both names are composed of the same elements in the 
same sequence. The crater-like inner town of Carchemish was a 
épxos. The chief seat of Gilgamesh was Erech which is probably the 
same as ép(e) Kos. 

An analysis of the name of Hercules (supra p. 163), who in the 
archaic period was so very prominent on the acropolis of Erechtheus, 
showed that the principal component was épxos. Now a further ex- 
amination of the name leads to the conclusion that the suffix és is 
possessive, being derived from *ens, *vent. Thus it appears that 
‘Hp(a)xdé-ns, Hercul-es and Gilga(1)-mesh correspond except in the 
use of the vant suffix in the one case and its variant mant in the other. 
The equation gi/gal=carcer=*Hercul shows that the final / and its 
variant 7 are not diminutive suffixes but are exceedingly old and that 
/ was lost before the suffix in the same Gilga(l)mesh. It is further ob- 
vious that an earlier form of the name Herakles contained xed in- 
stead of «de. Both Gilgamesh and Herakles were heroes who pos- 
sessed an enclosed, perhaps a circular sanctuary, but that does not 
necessarily nullify the theory that both were originally bow- or sickle- 


W212 i 


fetishes who since they were fertility-heroes could assume solar as- 
pects. They may have been rivals. Herakles slew Eryx (v. supra 
p. 186) whose name reminds one of Erech, the chief seat of Gil- 
gamesh. Assyrian szk/u (v. supra p. 166) may be a variant of kixdos 
(Lt. circus). 

If gi/gal meant a circle of small piles of stones forming an enclo- 
sure, then the word is perhaps a dvandva compound which is common 
in Sanskrit (v. Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar p. 485) and is composed 
of two forms of the word *ga/ ‘hill’ (?) which survives in the west in 
Latin col-lis (v. supra p. 195). 

If the identification of Gilgamesh and Herakles is correct the an- 
| tiquity of the latter becomes apparent because Chaldaean seals rep- 
resenting Gilgamesh have been dated c. 4000 B.c. (Ward, Seal ye 
ders of Western Asia, p. 59). 


XXXVIT 
KOUROI, KABEIROI AND KYBELE 


Tue Egyptian name for the Cretans was Keftiu which may be traced 
through *Kefsiu, *Kofriu to *xofpou (xotpor). Hence Keftiu meant 
Kouroi as the descendants of the Kouros (Zeus). This derivation is 
confirmed by the early name of Crete, Koupfris (*Koup-Fevt-ts) which 
shows the importance of the Kouros in the island. The young Cretan 
Zeus or Kouros reminds one of the Etruscan beardless Vediovis 
whom Ovid called a young Jupiter. 

The conception of Zeus as Kouros is found again in the names 
Korybantes and Kouretes which were borne by the priests of Kybele 
and Zeus. ‘These priests were confused with each other in ancient 
times for the very good reason that they were identical in origin. 
Their names are possessive adjectives. KoptBayres is derived from 
’*Kopu-Favres while Koupfres is derived from *xovp-fevres. “Those who 
possess Kouros (Zeus)’, the consort of Kore. Since Kore and Kybele 
are identical the Korybantes appear naturally enough as the priests 
of the Phrygian goddess. These names offer another instance of re- 
gressive p. The form xodpos is earlier than kédpos (*kopFos). 

The Kabeiroi were frequently worshipped under the name of 
Dioskouroi and were identified with the Korybantes. This identifi- 
cation raises the question whether there is any connection between 
their names. The name Kabeiroi is of Semitic provenance meaning 
‘strong.’ Since strength and youth go together the semantic connec- 
tion between Kdferpor and *xoF(e)por is fairly good. A phonetic 
difficulty, however, seems to lie in the penultimate syllable where a 
diphthong corresponds to a short vowel. The difficulty is not, how- 
ever, fatal because the vowel in the last syllable of some Semitic 
namesseems to have had the habit, due to stress, of casting off the final 
consonant and taking refuge within the penultimate syllable which 
it strengthened. Hence the Semitic kadeir (xaBerp-os) represents an 
earlier *kaberis which 1s * oF (€)pos (kebpos). So it was quite logical that 
the Kabeiroi were worshipped under the name of the (Dios) kourol. 


214 k 


Other examples of such assimilated vowels may be noted. The god 
Aldabeim (v. supra p. 102) is the same as Aldemios the Cretan god 
at Gaza. ’AXSnucos is derived from a fuller form *A\éba-Geutp-os. The 
components feurp and beim *bemir are the same. Incidentally *Beurp, 
*reuu may be equated with *ceued and the appellative thus acquires 
the meaning ‘he who makes the earth fruitful,’ a good name for the 
Cretan Marnas of Gaza who was a god of earth and agriculture. It 
is possible that the appellative is Minoan like Marnas. 

Another name which yields its secret upon the shifting of 7 is 
Tanit, the Carthaginian goddess. *Taniti(s) would be *Tav(u)res 
_ ‘consort of Tan’ (Zeus). Tanit was according to the Romans the con- 
sort of Jupiter (v. Audollent, Carthage Romaine, p. 373). The form 
*Tan(i)tis should be compared with Syrian Baltis (*Mvar(z)tis?) the 
consort of Baal, and with Cretan -wapris which seem to have the 
same feminine suffix. 

The shifting final vowel is again illustrated by the pair salim(it) 
(-cadnu) and codvpa(r) (= éppar-os) which are variant forms of the 
second component in the name of Jerusalem. It will be recalled that 
the Amarna tablets give Urusalim as the earliest form of the name 
(v. supra p. 196). 

Another example is perhaps the name of Shem’s son Arphaxad 
who is the Greek Hephaistos (v. supra p. 166). The shifting of the a 
with the restoration of the original final consonant completes the 
correspondence. *(S)arphaxdas is *Zapgaoros. 

The Babylonian Baal ‘lord’ if subjected to the same operation be- 
comes *Bala which seems to be the Sanskrit Vala the cave-daimon 
who has already been interpreted as a primitive sun-god (v. supra 
p- 149). “Bala at once suggests -Fedt in *oas-Fedt-os (HAvos) and seems 
to confirm the theory previously advanced that the Greek Helios 
was a hostile rival of another sun-god. This would identify the prim- 
itive Baal as a solar god whose name later acquired the more general 
significance ‘lord.’ The name Baalbek was translated ‘Heliopolis.’ 
Now those who still wish to play with fire in the cave of the uncon- 
quered sun-god will find some warmth in the suggestion that the 
name of Ra, the Egyptian solar god derives from *vra, “vara or *bala. 
This root *vara is the same as one already noted (v. supra p. 176) to 


215k 


which the meaning ‘earth’ was given. The identity may be matched 
by the fusion of earth-gods with solar gods which occurred at a very 
early period. 

These several examples would seem then to justify a form *kaderis 
as the source of the Semitic kaeir and as the phonetic and semantic 
equivalent of xodpos. 

Now the form *xoF(e)py is the same as KuBédn. They are the same 
word and mean ‘maid.’ So the great goddess of Phrygia and the 
Minoan Marna bore the same title as the Greek Persephone. All 
three were aspects of the same primitive deity of fertility. 

The form *xoFf(e)p is further of great interest because it confirms 
the analysis made above (p. s175) of the name Kronos. *kuf(e)povos 
the original form of Kpdévos is now mated with *KoF(e)pn the col- 
lateral form of Kvédy. In other words Kronos and Rhea-Kybele 
form a pair of deities whose names like that of Saturn embody the 
anger which they felt toward rival gods. Kronos was a violent Oura- 
nos and his consort was a violent Rhea (*xo-Fpea). In the last analy- 
‘sis KuBédn is composed of Sanskrit ku and dali ‘strong,’ the prefix 
apparently connoting the strength of violence. For the Sanskrit pre- 
fix ku originally interrogative came to signify “an unusual quality— 
either something admirable or oftener something contemptible. This 
use begins in the Veda” (Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, p. 195). So in 
the name itself of Kybele there seems to be heard an early echo of the 
violence which raged during her rites. 

Kybele the young and the strong shares her strength with Athena 
called Pallas. The difference in the accent of Pallas according as it 1s 
proper name or noun is matched by the difference in the accent of 
the proper name and noun Kouretes. 


i Nic 


i) 
‘; 
= 
; 





XXXVIII 
SAISARA AND CAESAR 


THE name of Kpéxwy (v. supra p. 126) confirms the conjecture that 
he isa crippled congener of Kronos. The name is a possessive adjec- 
tive meaning ‘he that has a bent form.’ The first part of the name is 
the Sanskrit kzka, ‘lame man.’ The consort of Krokon was Darodpa, 
daughter of Keleos. Saisara looks like a feminine to *oatfedu-os (v. 
supra p. 148) and was once sufficiently important to be the name of 
the earlier Eleusis. The masculine of Saisara seems to have been 
*catcap and to have been reduced to cats which meant xofpos ac- 
cording to Hesychios. Krokon and Saisara may be a pair of superan- 
nuated solar gods belonging to the stratum of Kronos, and youthful 
like Vediovis. The definition of Hesychios makes possible the equa- 
tion *xo-Fep-0s—=*oat-cap in which the second syllables are the same. 
- The first syllables must correspond in meaning (v. supra 175). Out 
of the equation comes the new meaning ‘youth’ for the name of 
Caesar and probably with mystic content. The name! was a cogno- 
men in the gens Yulia the associations of which with the Samothra- 
cian cult of the Kabeiroi have already been discussed (p. 131). The 
name Kabeiros has been shown to mean xodpos (p. 213) which is 
also the meaning of ‘Caesar.’ The conclusion therefore follows that 
the name Caesar is theophoric (like that of Camillus? v. supra p. 82) 
and that Julius Caesar was named after the ‘mighty’ Kabeiros the 
worship of whom was traditional in the Julian family. As a title 
‘Caesar’ was very properly, although tardily, restricted to the heir 
to the throne. 


‘ef. Mary H. Swindler, 4. F. 4. 1923, pp. 308-9. 


v) as. 


; 7 end hay 

rf evils 
jar as fe + eve " 
Mage sai: 
Dea bee 


Ie eee lt 
[PRAM vcs 





XXXITX 
APOLLO AND ARTEMIS 


The possessive suffix mint is found in reduced form in "Apre-yts. 
The first part of the compound is Lt. arcus, arqu-us, a normal pho- 
netic change illustrated by Latin -gue and Greek -re. The possessive 
suffix takes the form of -yus, *wtds, *wuvrs. The 6 which represented vz 
was dropped without compensation as in IloAcds, adds (v. supra 
p- 193). Hence the name Artemis means ‘she who has a bow’ or to 
use her Homeric appellative, rofogépos. Her counterpart in Italy, 
Diana, derives her name, however, from a different source. Diana is 
simple *Di(av)an(s)a, *diavanta, 1.e., the consort of *“Diavan(ts), 
Zeus. Avwyn (*6v0f avtn) yields to the same analysis. Both Diana and 
Dione were fertility-consorts of a fertility-god who ‘possessed the 
earth.’ 

It would seem at first sight extremely rash to say that the names 
of Apollo and Hercules are in origin one and the same but such is 
the startling fact. The initial vowel of the genitive ’A76\\wyos is long 
in Homeric verse (//. I, 14, 21). It may therefore represent ap. The 
second syllable contains a labialized velar which in Greek became xo 
as well as vo. With these substitutions made, a variant form of the 
Fee is recovered, *apxo\dAwvos which is readily carried back to 

* apxod-Fovaos. This word then is another possessive adjective with the 
simple meaning ‘he that has a bow.’ *apxod and Hercul are the same 
except that the second has retained its aspirate. Both names have 
the same possessive suffix though in greatly disguised form. Both 
gods carried the bow. It may be that Hercules was a hero of the bow 
rather than of the sickle to which the preference has been given in a 
previous chapter (p. 163). Thus Apollo who ‘has a bow’ is quite prop- 
erly the brother of Artemis who ‘has a bow.’ 

The many appellatives of Apollo referring to his bow and arrows 
(v. Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyc. s.v. Apollo, p. 19) which make of 
him a god of archery par excellence, abundantly justify the choice of 
such a simple name. One tradition gives to Lykia the birthplace of 


| 220 i 

Apollo but the meaning of the Homeric appellative Av«nyevjs is dis- 
puted. The interpretation of it is probably linked with that of the 
Sophoclean epitheton dvxoxroves. These names ‘wolf-born’ and ‘wolf- 
slayer’ may mean that the cult of Apollo was the successful rival and 
successor of a wolf-cult and that Apollo in indication of his victory 
took the epithet Avxevos (cf. Jebb, Electra, p. 205). 

The Homeric word \uxa@as ‘year’ primarily means “that which has 
a ring’ or ‘circle’. It is another possessive adjective in which the sur- 
vival of an early (a Minoan?) vocalism justifies the penultimate a in 
place of o. The year rolls round or has a circle and that this is an 
Homeric idea is shown by the phrase wepiredNouérvwy érdv. In Latin 
the year was a ‘ring’ because annus ‘year’ is the same word as anus 
‘ring.’ Both these are probably derived from the same source which 
yielded Greek a&yxos ‘bend, curve.’ 


XL 
APHRODITE AND ASTARTE 


THE tradition that Aphrodite rose from the sea was so firmly estab- 
lished as to give great probability to the ancient etymology of her 
name ‘she that was born of the foam.’ The word d¢pés is readily ac- 
cepted as the obvious first part of the name but the second part is 
obscure. Since the penultimate vowel is long the earlier form *A gpo5- 
iptn may be assumed. Then the second component of the name is 
seen to be verbal and identical with Latin orta (orior) thus giving the 
meaning ‘she that rose from the foam.’ 

The form *A gpod-tprn is confirmed by comparison with the Phoeni- 
cian name Ast-arte. Again the suffix seems to be the Latin orta. If 
this is correct, then there must be a correspondence in idea between 
the first components of the two names. ‘These components seem to 
‘be ablatives which retain the old consonantal ending. It is, therefore, 
conjectured that the ast of Astarte represents *asad. Now a previous 
discussion of the Homeric word ao4-utrdos (p. 190) lead to the con- 
clusion that aga- is the Latin agua. Hence Astarte means ‘she who 
rose from the water’ and is simply another version of the idea ex- 
pressed by the name of her counterpart Aphrodite. Astarte might be 
translated dvadvouérn. | 

The word *(v)asa ‘water,’ Gothic vato, appears also as the second 
component of the word @4)-acoa, *cah-(F) acfa. The first component 
is ad- ‘salt’ so that the simple meaning of the compound is ‘salt 
water’ 1.e., ‘sea.’ The closeness of @ to « is shown by the Doric 
garaccouedo.o’ (Alkman, frag. 86 (35)). The second component ap- 
pears also in the names of the rivers Ilissos and Kephissos. The Latin 
aqua bears the same relation to *(F)acfa that Latin eguus bears to 
Sanskrit agvas. Hence it is evident that the language to which the 
word *(F)asfa belonged was, like the Sanskrit, a member of the 
salem group. 

The sea was salt water. The other kind of water was sweet. Greek 
*ydfatfos may contain as its first component the adjective 75-ds 


] 222 ff 
‘sweet’ and as its second component aca ‘water’ and thus have 


meant ‘sweet water.’ If such was the original significance of the word 
it was no longer felt in the Homeric phrase Oaddcons aduupdr tdwp. 


XLI 
PROMETHEUS 


THE name [pounfets is another possessive adjective in manth. The 
fuller form was *IIvpouarGevs. The disappearance of v caused the 
lengthening of the preceding vowel while the accent on the last syl- 
lable brought about the collapse of the first where the vowel was 
short. The suffix manth has already been isolated from the Cretan — 
name of Rhadamanthys (v. supra p. 191). The simple meaning of 
the name Prometheus is ‘he who has fire,’ a name completely jus- 
tified by his service in stealing fire for mortals. The name is the same 
word as the Vedic pramantha which means “a stick used for rubbing 
wood to produce fire’ or literally “that which has fire.’ The primitive 
idea was that the stick contained fire and had to be hollow to do so. 
Both names conveyed the same idea, but indicated a hero in one case 
-and a stick in the other. The evolution of Prometheus 1s clear enough. 
He began his career as the fetish ‘fire-stick’ just as Rhadamanthys 
began his at the fetish “boundary stake’. Both were anthropomor- . 
phized but stick and stake remained associated with both heroes. 
Prometheus was said to have concealed fire in a reed or cane while 
all judges and umpires following their prototype Rhadamanthys 
carried a staff or branch as a symbol of their office. 

Since Prometheus, a Kabeiros, concealed fire in a reed which he 
carried, one readily understands the saying attributed to Orpheus 
that ‘many are the reed-bearers but few are the Bakchoi.’ In other 
words many mystics carried the reed of Prometheus in Cabiric rite 
but only Orphics were the true mystics. In an Etruscan painting (v. 
supra p. 21) a figure of a deceased man enters Hades carrying a reed. 
This is very probably the symbol of the Cabiric Prometheus. ‘The de- 
ceased identified himself with his god. Samothracian mystic cult must 
have followed the Cabiric Kasmilos into Etruria (v. supra p. 82). The 
reed seems also to have had symbolic value at Sparta for 1t appears in 
one of the ste/az (v. supra p. 18). The Peace of Aristophanes prepares 
one to expect Samothracian symbols in Spartan mystic cult. 


ve 


‘ae sl 
Popa Sida Pa 
yy ees 

erence 

Sr * 

inh: i - tae i 

a 
7 ha ral 





GENERAL INDEX 





Poa NaF: 
i we 
ioe | 


Sd 









; Ningyt Rh Weed 
rig May fc Q hecet 








_ ,. 


CORRECTIONS 


Mn 
102 1. 13: for p. 212 read p. 214. 


Toner yadeletec. 
208 |. 13: for sem(v)et read sem(v)el. 


Pe Cher ee 


211 |. 16: Perhaps Erech represents an original *Erche(r), “berkor. 
cf pp. 164, 213-4. 
. 27: for same read name. 


— 


p- 213 1. 13: for “Those read ,‘those. 

p. 219 |. 9 : for simple read simply. 

p. 221 1.15: for lead read led. 

p- 230 s.v. Kybele: for diety read deity. 





GENERAL INDEX 


AENEAS 
a mad god in origin 
a chthonic god 
and Akestes 
slays Turnus 
Achilles 
a fertility-hero 
Agchisia 
in Arkadia 
Agricultural implements 
as symbols 
Ahriman 29, 
Ahura Mazdah 
- Aitas 
Aktaion, etymology of 
Aldabeim=Aldemios 102, 
Alexander 
impersonates deity 
opposed to Zeus 
portrait by Lysippos 
Altars 
Roman sepulchral 
Anchises 
a sickle-god in origin 
died at Drepane 
lamed by Zeus 
Ankaios 
Annus 
Anodos 
of fertility-god 


Anthesteria 


Anthropomorphism safe 


66 


Ly 
2.23 


Anus, ‘ring’ 220 
Apelles 84 
Aphrodite 221 
Apollo, etymology of name 219 
Aqua 190 
Archermos 
Victory of, compared with 

Seraph 159 
Arcus 219 
Arphaxad 166, 214 
Arrephoria es 
Artemis 

a possessive adjective 219 
Arx 185, 196 
Ascanius=Asklepios? 142 
Ascension of 

Aeneas 141 

Aphrodite 176 

Ouranos 176 

Panagia Aphroditissa 176 

Zeus 182 
Astarte 201 
Asterios 203 
Aurinia 136 
Axiothea 17 
BAAL 214 
Baalbek 214 
Baltis 214 
Beetle 55 

carries lightning of Zeus 74 

in German folk-lore 106 


228 ff 


reaches gods i 
symbol of immortality in 
Egypt 95 
Beetle-cup 95 
Beetle-god in Egypt 95 
Branding on brow 1h 
Briseis 142 
Cacus 165 
Caesar, etymology of ay iy 
Camillus OM 
_ Cap of Hades 100 
Capricorn 148 
Carcer Feveey 200 
Carchemish 209, 211 
Cave in resurrection 58 
Ceres 183 
Chalice of St. Denys 43 
Charun 
a superannuated god 22 
Chepera 95 
Cherub 161 
Chnodomar 
converted to cult of Isis 106 
Choes 117 
Chosroes, temple of 86 
Christ 
“Beetle on the cross” 97 
in wine-press IS 
tomb of soya1s 
Christmas 
Mithraic birthday of sun 155 
Chytrai I1g 
Cicero 195 
Cippus, Gallo-Roman 12 
Circus LSS O11 


Collis 201, 212 
Crow in Mithraic initiation 31 
Cryphius 31 
Cubricus 87 
Cup as boat 54, 102 
Cup of immortality —-118, 137 


compared with Mithraic 
krater 1§ 
in Etruscan relief 41 
Cup of oblivion 7 
De tpuic Oracle Cs! 
Deluge of Deukalion 120 
Demeter 183 
as bread 15 
Diana, etymology of 219 
Dione, etymology of 219 
Dionysos 
as bread and wine 16 
ascension 116 
a vegetation-god of res- 
urrection 5 
as vine 15 
encroachment upon 
Zeus 53> 74 
fused with sun-god 97 
heart buried at Delphi 96 
in Spartan stelat 4 


the omphalos as his tomb 109 
Double axe 


and Pelops 187 
Charun’s mallet? 22 
of Zeus Dolichaios 178 
thunderbolt of Zeus a2 
Dove on chalice an 


HH 229 K 


Drunkenness 

as reward in Orphic 

doctrine 6 

during Anthesteria 117 
Ecc 

in cult of Dionysos IO 
Erech - O12 
Erechtheion OR OA 
Erechtheus 211 

a sickle-hero 185 

suffered fate of Anchises 185 
Erotes in graves III 
Eryx 140, 164 

and Erech 212 

slain by Herakles 186 
Etruscan Painting of 

Hades R123 
Eucharist 44 
Furydike, consort of Aeneas 141 
FALCULA 163 
Fertility-gods 46 
Fourteen 

Athenians, Lydians, 

Titans 203 
Frigium 153 
Furius, L. Purpureo —-128, 130 
GERMANIC corn-mother 70 
Geryon 100, 149 
Gilgal 21 
Gilgamesh 


Epic of, and Anthesteria 121 
Grail ARMS] 


HapDEs 
oxen of, in Erytheia IOI 
Haloa I71, 189 
Ham 166 
Harlots 
in Peace of Aristophanes 56 
Harpy tomb 
comparison of reliefs 
with Spartan IO 
Heart, seat of soul 97 
Hephaistos 165, 166, 214 
Herakles 52 
a fertility-god 99 
and Gilgamesh 211 
descends to Hades 100 
takes cattle of Geryon 100 
threatens sun IOI 
Hercules 
etymology of 163, 211 
Herkynna 163 
Hermes and Seraph 160 
Hind 110 
Hinthial=Ut. scintilla 148, 181 
| Hittites 209 


ImmortaLity, Pagan and 


Christian god of 16 
Incubatio 157 
Indra and Lt. tonitrus 179 
Infula 154 
Initiations a2 
Ishtar, descent of, tohell 204 
Isis, mysteries of 33 


JAHWEH, etymology of 146, 181 
Japheth 166 


| 230 I 


Jerusalem 
Adonis and Astarte at 116 
name of 195, 214 
Judgment in Hades II 
KABEIROI 82 
and name Caesar oi 
etymology 213 


in Peace of Aristophanes 61 
mutilate Dionysos 172 
. triple herm of, at Rome 129 

Kafer—Chepera? 105 


Kalathos in Eleusinian rites 27 
Kallikantzaroi 89 
Kanthara in magic papyri 56 
Kantharion of Samos 55 
Kantharos 56 

carried by Trygaios 65 


cup of Dionysos 3, 49 
hypostasis of Dionysos 56, 87 
in Peace of Aristophanes 49 
in Samothracian 

mysteries 5 
in Spartan tombstones 


I, 56, 88, 119, 137 
name of harbor es 
Naxian boat IOI 
of Amiens 42 
offered to stag 19 
play on word GAs iOo 
ring of priests 96 
Karashamash 209 
Karka 164, 209 
Kartas 165 
Kasmilos 

in Etruria ipl 


in marriage-rite 82 

origin of name of 131 
Keftiu 213 
Kekrops and Kerkopes 185 
Keleos 187, 217 
Kelun 100 
Keraunos, son of Ptolemy 84 
Kerberos 63, 101 
Kerkopes and Herakles 158 
Keys 

of Mithraic statue 29 

of St. Peter Ries, 
Kheta 209 
Kirke 164 
Kore, play on name of 52 
Korybantes 213 
Kouretes 21351255 
Kouros 213 
Krater and Chalice 41 
Kratinos 57 

allusion to mystic 

drinking 50 

Kroisos 84, 99 
Krokon 126, 217 
Kronos 

analysis of name of 175, 215 

bound with fillets by 

Zeus 126 

burial of, in cave 58 

god of fertility 139 
Ku, prefix 176, 215 
Kubera iy 
Kybele 

and Marna 215 

diety of Roman nobility 183 

etymology 248 


H 231 K 


Kylix 3, 42 


LABYRINTH 199 
Ladder in Orphic symbolism 20 


Leo as proper name QASkS7 
Leones Mithrae 34 
Leontika R2 
Light, Ophite 132 
Lionas 38 
degree in Mithraic 
initiation 149 
represents deceased 34 
Lora, lura 154, 199 
Lotus IO 
Lydia and Sparta 13 
Lykia=sickle-land 168 
Lykos, sickle 167 
- Lykourgos 169 
Lyseas, tombstone of 6, 46 
Lupercus 170 
Lupus 167 


Macna Mater and Vediovis 


arrival of, at Rome 128 
~mant Igo 
Marna 207 
Marnas 86, 207 
Marneion 86 
Marriage (mystic) 

with deity 74, 118 


in Aristophanic comedy 71 


Mars 


significance of name Wa 
and Marut aa 
Mary 208 
Mas 208 


Mazdah 189 
Mazzara sarcophagus 28 
Medusa 177 e153 
etymology of 152 
Metasomatosis 
in Orphic cult 8 
in Mithraic cult 30 
in Etruria 19 
effected by Kirke egy, 
Miles, etymology of 152 
Milium Tove 7 
Minos=Marnas 207 
Minotaur 203 
Missa 189 
early question as to 
meaning of To6 
Mithraic sculpture 
hybrid statue 29 
tauroctony 20, 36 
Mithraism 
in Rhone valley 155 
seven degrees of 
initiation CUE viey 
seven spheres for the 
soul to pass RII02 
Mithras 
crown of mystic 153 
origin of name 151 
Mitra 
cap of effeminate persons 153 
kind of rope 154 
worn by priests of 
Kybele 153 
Morior and mrtas 177 
Mortals become stars wae 
Mrud IgI 


Muturis 

Mysteries of Kabeiroi and 
Magna Mater 

Mystic formula in Peace of 
Aristophanes 


Nata=Neleus 
Naxos 
Nereid monument 69, 
Nergal 
Noah and Kronos 


Ouive of Athena 
Omphale 
Omphalos 
at Delphi 
at Jerusalem 
in Peace of Aristophanes 
symbol of resurrection 
Opora 
Orphic tablets Oat Ay abels 
Orta 
Osiris 
ascension of 
eating of body of 


submits to judgment 


wine becomes his blood 
PALLAS 192, 
accent of 
Panda 


Paragus and picus 
Parthenon, west gable of 
Pater leonum 
Peace 

goddess in mysteries 


H 232 K 


154 
129 
62 


184 

55 
136 
149 
166 


tH 
99 


109 
115 

57 
Iil 

70 
202 
221 


209 
16 
93 
17 


219 
215 
136 
187 
78 
157 
58 
67 


Peiraeus, harbors of Lite sie, 


Pelops 187 
Persephone ele On: 
Pestle 60 
Phalloi of bread 172 
Pheidias 

and the Erechtheion 77 
Phigalia 195 
Philippeion at Olympia 85 
Picus 187 
Plow | 

potential Zeus in primi- 

tive times 180 

symbol of recurring life 28 
Plow-handle 140 
Poliorketes 70 
Pomegranate 

and seed-bread 44 

carved in late Phrygian 

tombstones 25 

in Christian painting 45 

in Spartan reliefs Laig 

offered to snake 18 

painted on tombs 26 


placed in tomb at Sardis 25 
symbol of birth and re- 
birth 3 
symbol in Minoan Age? 27 
Poseidon 
origin of the name of —-184 
his trident an agricul- 


tural fork 184 
Pramantha 223 
Prometheus 

a Theban Kabeiros 127 

evolution of 223 


H 233 K 


‘he who has fire’ 223 
Pura, pur 196 
Ra 214 
Rab ~ IgI 
Rat IgI 
Rebirth Sects 
Reed 

in Orphic rite 21223 

in Spartan stele 223 
Renatus Ter 
Resurrection 

accompanied by ithy- 

phallic episode 62 

after baptism 69 

and reproduction O31 72 

by priests as sileni 110 

followed by marriage 72, 

of dead at Delphi by 

Asklepios 112 
of Dionysos in vase- 
painting 63, 109 

of fertility-deity 46, 62 

of Osiris 66 

of Peace 66.. 

of Semele 66 

parody of rite 66 

with dancing in vase- 

painting 63 
Revelation 
parodied in ascent of 
Trygaios 75 
Rhadamanthys 


a fetish “boundary stake’ 223 
a possessive adjective in 


manth 190 


Rhesos and Rhea 58 
Rings of Prometheus and 
Saturn 126 
Rus 176 
Rutili 169 
SABAZIOS Bows 7 
Sacrament 
Christian and Mithraic 155 
in vase-painting 16 
Saisara 217 
Salmoneus 61, 128; 13607143 
confused with Kronos 81 
in Elis 85 
of Phoenician provenience81 
parodied by Aristophanes 83 
resembles Vediovis 126 
Salmoxis £1;81, 120 
—=Kasmilos? 131 
Samothracian initiation is 
Sarama and Hermes __ 160, 179 
Sarpedon=“‘Sickle-tooth” 168 
Satan 
altar of 1265 
identified with Titan 145 
in fresco at Daphne 126 
Saturn 
cult in Italy 135 
doctrine of servants of 147 
grave of, in Caucasus 127 
in Etruscan divination 125 
king in Latium 137 
pocolom of 137 
sickle of 136 
significance of name 
of To Us 


H 234K 


Saturnia in Etruria 135 | Snake-goddess Fist 
Scarab 92, 95, 96 | Soma 6 
Sebak 3° | Soranus, Hirpi Sorani 169 
Seed-cake 44 | Soul 
Selamanes 81, 124 abode changed 121 
Semele etymology of 147 
resurrection of 59, II! in form of bird 26 
; and simila 177 in form of snake gI 
Semvar 208 passes out through mouth 92 
*Semvort AT 2 208 portals of entrance and 
Septizonium and labyrinth 204 exit 149 
Seraph 160 reborn in spring 119 
Serapis Oo released from tomb-jars; 
cult of, in Germany 106 from purgatory ; 117 
Serdab 36 Vedic invitation to 
Stard 14 return 11g 
Shamash 409 Spartan stelai 
Sheitan 146 mystic character 17 
Shem 166 of Lydian provenience? 13 
Sica 165 | Sphinx 
Sicilicus 166 


in relief of Damasistrate I0 


Sicilis 166 

Sickle Ge Beiatcs column at 
buried in Kerkyra and laae Ch; i 

Sicily 139 on coins of Chios 113 

Siklu 212 ae 

Ke 152, 177 branded on ‘Thracian 

Sin remitted in Orphic aig eget Ig 
Haerrne 17 rises to drink from 

Siva 175 kantharos 19 

Smyrna 208 | Straparola Tea 

Snake Suckling, Sir J. 173 
as incarnation of soul g | Suffering for service 64 
in Spartan reliefs 8, 88 | Sun 147 
twined about eucharistic Sun-barque 95 


bread 18 | Swastika 200 


Tanit, etymology of 214 
Tavsas= Zeus 178 
Teverath IgI 
Theophagy, evolution of 1g 
Tholos 85 
Thunderbolt 
a lightning-axe in 
modern Greek 24 
in mystic rite 02805505 
Tinia, Tins E61 178 
Titan 
a mad Tan or Zeus 146 
and Satan 145 
Titanesses BO 
Tonitrus, a “Zeus-shaft’ 151, 178 
Transubstantiation 17 
Tritons 136 
_ Trygaios, name of si 
Tuchulcha 164 
Turan 136 
Turnus compared with 
Saturn 137 
Urss 196 


Urnula in procession of Isis 87 


Urusalim 196, 214 
VALA, a sun-god 149 
Valentinus 97 
-vant 190, 211 
Varu 176 
Vas electionis 87 
Vas vitae sty 
Vediovis 4 

a chthonic god 131 


arrows as symbol of 
defiance 130 
as Kabeiros 129, 133 
compared with 
Salmoneus 124 
congener of Saturn 130 
connection with dramat- 
ic performance 128 
consort of Flora 126 
date of two temples at 
Rome 128 
god of Julian gens 131 
in ancient prayers 124 
Vegetation and 
immortality 6, 46 
Venus and Urania 176 
Vibia-paintings 12 
Victories on throne of gods 159 
Vine 37, 41 
the true and the false 16 
Vir 208 
WELL of Poseidon 78 
Wine 
as members of Osiris 87 
in Dionysiac mysteries 5 
wine-blood in mystic 
sculpture 15, 41 
Wolf-cult and sickle- 
cult 168, 188 
ZAGREUS 9 
Zaremaya oil 9 
Zeus 
altar of, at Pergamon ~=128 
an oak-god 150 


| 236 I 


Bronton hs Herkeios 
etymology of 180 Lykaios 
evolved from Madbachos 


fertility-god 24, 182 


163 
167 
81, 124 


GREEK INDEX 





















hte ia ees my ° F 











z ¥ r P Vee ‘e 
j LS Bey / } Ay ‘ Peat!) ae iH 1 
aos L . Mae t ; 


' A r os vi PAA ° i 
am sth , ae rR fepaye. 





y vi 
j : - { [ 
: " : | 
\ Wong 
¥ F a Aut 
: ‘ , a een 
“| pee 
: ie Ae Ae 
OFA a) i 
17 A aed aed ys 
; 45 f F Theis 
<= ’ vt} 
xk ' 
Ki ; : x7 
; as 4 wh 
LE Pm iv) 
’ ‘| 
‘ F f } ath 
, be} 
; . 
‘ ; ; f 
/ 
} ; 
j “ 
{ r, 
\ 
: i 
J ) . 
; : 
t 
i } ; A x 
] i z i 
‘ 
; j 
' 
j 
’ 
} 
’ 
! 
' a 
« i ! 
’ 
’ 
[ , 
{ ‘ 
r ; 
ty 
} 
: 
: , 
1th 
ny 
‘ ; i 
- ‘ i : 
| j ; 
Hi 
' H j 
i 
' Deiat » Ae 
. : \e - a4 f 
J ‘4 r P» 
' “4 
} ¥ i : i : 4 
é ‘ 4] ‘ 
‘ , hoy ean : 
: ; t 
‘ U P v Piers 4 f " d ; “ 
" j ta tr fey 
i v fous 
eA j 
‘ 2 
‘ 
, ‘. ri ; 
A j : » 
& “3 xy Li Y 4 ¥ 
; tad Ln lea Q ‘ A Bae BOR nts ; 2 
Lin : ‘Ale ay heey, ht) wah ays Cae y a moi) n uf," 
yA 8 Alo no. ws peti 2 in, yah . iy TP) ‘ ~ Phar 
Po & peek! Me ale fet Peete AL ee ie Pete me CL ee ee a Me 


GREEK INDEX 


A 
&Bédvos 148 
ayabds datywr 62 
ay Kos TO3 4220 
by KuAOUNT ES 139 
Alrva 141 
Airvaios I41 
Airvatos kavOapos 74 
"AKpatomoTns 55 
a Kpos 185 
Gade pvaorac 68 
&yrTpov BO 11,5 
&potpov I 76 
&poupa I 76 
&pros dvaoraros I71 
da durvbos 190, 221 
GOT POTENEKL 179 
B 
Baca apes We 
Borpus vel 
Boukdoros beds Ol 
Bovxodot 56 
BpaBevs 1g0 
Bpwpos 2, 
Bpords 177, 208 
A 
A doxos 182 
dévdpov 180 
d€m as IOI 


Aodtx atos 178 


dodtxos 178 
dpém avov 182 
dpvow 185, 187 
dpwrrTw 185 
E 
"EX addorekrtos 1g 
EAs 160, 190 
ép Kos 163, 164 
Epa I 65 
Epunvevw 165 
érvirns 46 
eVAnpa 199 
eUpn Kaper 64 
-€US IgI 
evot caBot 195 
evoeBns 195 
*"ExetrAatos 152,179 
Z 
Cayo 139, 182 
Zevs (o) karaBarns 50 
Lodupevs 196 
Tepucets 196 
Evdevs 188 
8 
Badvavos 45 
Oapyndos 44 
Oewpla 70 
Opivaxes Wh 


240 


I 

lepos 195 
‘Tepoood\upa 196 
igodalrns 718 
K 

KaBanevls 196 
K atpos 75 
Kapnd\avKvov 154 
K&utdos 154 
KG7os 165 
Kap7os 165 
KaTaxavas Qi 2i20 
KepavvoBporra 64 
KEXNVOS Cp eure fs 
Kip Kos 164 
Kitt ap 67 
Kopuvéos 201 
KpaTip &uBpoclas 43 
Kpnr avyevys 207 
Kpovos ns 
Kptgios 31, 39, 160 
A 

A\aBpus 199 
AaBiprvbos 199 
Aavpuov 199 
NeKiOirns 46 
AvboBorta 59 
ALOogdpos 59 
AOgos 197 
AUKos 167 
Aepos 154, 199 
M 

pata 156, 189 


[acvouevos 51 
paKkedgra oie 
papva 207 
wapvacbar 177 
Mey addouatos 189 
MéOn aiwvtos 117 
MATHS TOV Topvav 
56, 70 

-yivd 160, 190 
bitpa 151 
O 
"Odup ros 197 
II 
TaNaovov 78 
Tlad)\ as 192 
mwaddXas 192 
TEN AY Los 54 
TENEK GS 187 
TENE KUS 187 
TeX 187 
™ndadLov 53 
TloAvas, IoXceds, 

IIoXtov>xos 192 
TOXLs 195 
ToXtTns 193 
ToTnpLomopos 7) 
TwOTVLA 178 
II redeov 195 
IIréptov 195 
P 
paBédos 190 
paBdovxos Igo 


z 
Dodvpevs 
Dvprvbos 


cwTnpla 


E 

Tap 

TavpoOpmoppos 
~Tévedos 


241 kt 


196 
201 
116 


146 


54 
178 


Tévyns 
TEpLa 
Tepunacels 
TpLacvovy 


TUp avvos 


xX pOvos 


178 
196 
196 

heh 
138 


175 





4 


ha) : 
J hg roe o 
b A ae NA 


Mea 
Thiers eee 


Caen © 








AT OF 
Kantharos; studies in Dionysiac and 
rinceton Theological Seminary-Speer Library 


Pp 


1 1012 00009 5242 





